24 October 2020

The forgotten 13th bears upon the 19th and 20th

Draconian. A plan for self-aggrandizement. The death of democracy. In violation of established parliamentary procedure. These are some of the terms and lines being used by those opposed to the 20th Amendment.

What’s funny is that most of the objectors played deaf-dumb when the 19th Amendment was brought in and were cosy with the executive presidency for decades or else supported the party that had absolutely no objection to it. For decades.

Ideally there should be balance between the executive, legislative and judicial branches of the state. The 1978 Constitution wrecked that balance. Ideally, then, any regime that has secured a two-thirds majority or is confident of getting the arithmetic right at voting time should go for a new constitution rather than fixing anomalies through amendments. This government is confident of the numbers obviously; otherwise it wouldn’t go for an amendment. Why then an amendment and not a new constitution is a question that the government needs to answer.

That said, if the discussion is about the merits and demerits of the 20th Amendment in terms of the fears/whines expressed by the politically compromised and/or regime-loyalists who throw in issues such as executive powers when in fact their objection is limited to the dual-citizenship issue, then we need to consider the 13th, 19th and 20th amendments together.

Why the 13th, one might ask. Well, of the 13th Amendment the following must be mentioned: illegally instituted, an example of abject cowardice on the part of the then regime and a necessary building block for the Eelam case. The one thing that stood in the way of the separatists was, ironically, the executive presidency. A weak obstacle, but nevertheless a spanner in the works.

The 19th, whether or not the architects and approvers appreciated the above, was in effect a blow that targeted this obstacle. We are referring to the pruning of executive powers here. Sure, it was an exercise to transfer power to the office of the prime minister. Personal/party agenda obviously blinded people to the dangers. That is, if indeed such issues were important to them. My hunch is they were clueless and didn’t care either.

However, the 19th, by diminishing the executive presidency, effectively laid the foundation for another push for separatism, perhaps in ‘happier’ overall conditions. Now a strong government where there’s no confusion regarding who is in charge, where there’s ‘the executive’ is not split between two political groups, there’s nothing to worry about, one can argue. One can also interject ‘what if we have a president who is in line with the separatist agenda and chooses not to exercise executive options?’ Yes, that’s a problem, but then again, it stands to reason that such an individual can only become president if the voters themselves are generally agreeable to a division of the country, a weakening of the state etc., etc., in their wisdom or ignorance, as the case may be.

As things stand, however, the focus should be on the role of the executive, the power vested in the office etc., in relation to the real dangers embedded in the 13th Amendment. This, in addition to correcting the hideous and obvious confusion caused by the 19th regarding the various residences of executive power, which, among other things, facilitated the Easter Sunday tragedy.


Of course, if one is for separatism this is not a problem, and indeed many of the objectives are fixated on devolution-beyond-the-13th (at least the NGO personalities making noises these days). It's not a position that the allegedly horror-stricken objectors in the Opposition articulate, however.

Is the President going to be vested with dictatorial power upon the possible passing of the 20th Amendment? That’s a question that must be addressed. The Supreme Court determination on the matter is clear. The Supreme Court has recommended an amendment to Clause 5 (which is about immunity for the president) that would allow for the people to invoke jurisdiction of the SC under Article 126, where there’s alleged violation or alleged imminent violation of a Fundamental Right due to an act of the President. The Government is now forced to incorporate this suggestion or else go for a referendum on the matter.

[That is if this government doesn’t do a yahapalana number with the Supreme Court determination; the yahapalanists, contravening all established procedure, made sweeping changes to the draft 19th Amendment. It was virtually a different document. Here’s an aside within the aside: those who talk of procedural impropriety today were dead silent back then.]

So, in other words, if the correction is made, in conjunction with the retaining of term limits, the executive presidency would revert to the pre-2010 status or less. Note, that back then, i.e. before the 18th Amendment was mulled, few if any had drastic issues with the executive presidency. There was some noise, but certainly no shouting.  Sarath Fonseka, for example, didn't talk of abolishing or pruning the executive presidency and neither did his backers at the time.

Back to the 13th. The 13th Amendment is about provincial councils, at least in the operationalization of it. Provincial council elections haven’t been held in years. No one seems to mind, not even the diehard devolutionists, not even the democracy-or-death types who wake up whenever their political darlings are in trouble. So, one can ask, ‘what’s the issue then; if we don’t have the PCs, then this business of weak powers or no powers for the president is a non-issue, surely?’

Well, the problem is in the fact that illegally enacted though it is, the 13th is a part of the constitution. If it goes, we could even do away with the executive presidency and perhaps return to a pre-1978 Westminster system of government. It hasn’t gone away. It is there. Sleeping, for now, but can be roused; if roused in a context where there is an impotent or crippled executive presidency, it would be a beast.  

the drafting of a new constitution could sort out the matter, of course, but those in the opposition who are opposed to the 20th Amendment haven’t uttered a word about such an exercise. Ideally, as mentioned, the government would just move to shelve the 20th and go for a new constitution. There’s talk of a new constitution six month from now, but that’s just whisper as opposed to the shout that is the 20th Amendment. In the here and now, it’s about the 20th and if ‘executive’ is the bone of contention, then those who want a chew of it should take a few licks at the 13th. Unless of course they are doing nothing more than petty politicking (at which they have considerable experience, let us note). 

[This article was first published on October 22, 2020]

 malindasenevi@gmail.com

The 19th, 20th and sanctimonious humbuggery



There were voices. Loud voices. The end of democracy is at hand, we heard them say. Sovereignty is at stake, they said. All about the 20th Amendment. So they petitioned the Supreme Court in their hordes. And the Supreme Court heard what they had to say, listened to the observations of the intervening petitioners as well as the Attorney-General, including amendments to the Bill that are expected to be made at the Committee Stage. The Supreme Court determined.

The Supreme Court essentially said that the proposed amendment by and large complies with the provisions of Article 82(2) of the Constitution and can be passed by a special majority, except for Clauses 3, 5, 14 and 22 which would require in addition a referendum unless proposed committee stage amendments are incorporated.

The clauses refer to the duties of the president (Clause 3), immunity of the president (Clause 5), dissolution of parliament (Clause 14) and guidelines of the Elections Commission (Clause 22). The last requires approval by the people through a referendum, it was determined. Court agreed that dissolution of parliament by the president two and a half years after a General Election, as mentioned in amendments to be interjected at the committee stage would address concerns regarding sovereignty. Court agreed that inconsistency regarding the duties of the president would cease with the proposed committee stage amendment. Court recommended an amendment to Clause 5 that would allow for the people to invoke jurisdiction of the SC under Article 126, where there’s alleged violation or alleged imminent violation of a Fundamental Right due to an act of the President.

So what do we have here? A government mulls amendment and drafts a bill. Objections are raised. Perhaps taking into consideration the objections and/or anticipating court ruling on the same, the government comes up with amendments to be introduced at the committee stage. Court, except in the case of one clause (22) gives a green light, subject to the incorporation of amendments pledged through submissions.

So what’s all the noise about? Some people were horrified about the powers of the president. Mark that ‘A.’ There were livid about dual citizenship. Mark that ‘B.’ They were livid about a parliamentary council replacing the Constitutional Council (of the 19th Amendment). Mark that ‘C.’

Let’s talk A, B, C now.

Here’s the story of ‘A’. The 19th, from A-Z, was about Ranil Wickremesinghe. It all began with the unprecedented and unceremonious dumping of a sitting Prime Minister. D.M. Jayaratne was not informed of his imminent sacking. Maithripala Sirisena, immediately after being sworn in as President, signed a ready-to-sign document sacking him. He then went on to swear in Ranil Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister.

That was not enough. The man, whose party was a minority in Parliament, needed power. That was what the 19th was supposed to do. It all resulted in a mess about who has what powers and directly and indirectly contributed to the Easter Sunday tragedy, among other things. So, the 19th was about splitting power between president and premier. Political expediency.

The dual citizenship issue was pushed through by the same need. Obviously, the yahapalanists were looking ahead to a possible presidential battle between Wickremesinghe and one of Mahinda Rajapaksa’s brothers (Gotabaya or Basil) since the former president was ruled out (they though) from contesting. The Rajapaksa-bheethiya prompted the clause regarding dual citizenship. Nothing else. The yahapalana hordes worked overtime and probably lost a lot of sleep regarding the matter. They did their damnedest to shoot down Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s candidacy and were trumped at every turn.

Now it is never a good thing to make laws for political convenience. The UNP has a long history in all this, from J.R. Jayewardene’s time. It was almost like a cardinal party principle, in fact. Amendments 1-16 were basically about obtaining an edge for the party, save the 6th (prompted by the rise of the LTTE) and the 13th (thrust down Sri Lanka’s throat by India at gunpoint). In fact several were passed by the Premadasa government in the face of imminent loss of the ‘special parliamentary majority.’

Now, if the clause that seeks to remove the block on dual citizens was about facilitating the political ambitions of an individual, it is bad. The word in certain circles is that it is an interjection to help Basil Rajapaksa. Basil has stated he’s not interested, for the record. Sentiment notwithstanding, the shoving of a dual citizen to a lesser status seems fundamentally wrong (and the Supreme Court determination affirms this view). If allegiance is the issue, then we must point out that we’ve had proud Sri Lankan citizens who have acted as minions of foreign powers (the yahapalana government was chock full of such people). In short citizenship is no safeguard against treachery.

That’s ‘B.’ Now to ‘C,’ and the most beloved Constitutional Council (along with the vilification of the proposed Parliamentary Council). It boils down to two thing: composition and accountability. The regime retained sway in the CC and will have it in a PC too. The idea that civil society reps somehow make it ‘independent’ is balderdash. The reps appointed were without exception yahapalana loyalists. Furthermore, they are not accountable to anyone. ‘Civil society’ is a label they wear for convenience. They typically represent a particular class of people with more or less similar political loyalties. In a PC, every member would have to face the voting public, sooner or later. They can shrug off accountability at their own risk.

That’s the A, B and C. There’s a D in this story or rather a ‘P’: process.

The draft 19th Amendment was essentially ripped to pieces by the Supreme Court following several petitions. The draft 20th was supported by further amendments pledged by the Attorney General. The SC has given the go ahead except for specific objections. The government has pledged to abide strictly by the directions given by the SC.

How did the yahapalanists respond to the SC determination? Well, at the Committee Stage they brought in massive amendments, absolutely in contravention of established parliamentary traditions, leaving absolutely no opportunity for the citizens to read, digest and if necessary object. And those who maintained a deafening silence during that period now whine about the clause on urgent bills!

Those who brought in the 19th were unceremoniously rejected by the people on three different occasions (February 2018 at the local government elections, November 2019 at the presidential election and August 2020 at the parliamentary elections). That’s civil society (real — as opposed to civil society [fake]) having a say.

The 20th is not a done deal. Politicians, regardless of party name and color are by and large cut off the same cloth. The initial assurances offered by government spokespersons are encouraging, but it would be folly to blindly trust politicians based on what’s said. Let’s await the ‘doing.’

However, as things stand, the 19th was a piece of garbage and it was brought in, pushed and defended by political stooges. The entire process stank. The 20th is not exactly an amazing piece of work, but as a garbage-disposal corrective, it has its merits. There’s going-overboard which the SC has noted and commented on. Established procedure has been followed so far. And that has essentially undressed the whiners, almost exclusively Kolombots such as Born Again Democrats, Candlelight Ladies, Funded-Voices and Rent-a-Signature Petitioners.

[This article was first published in the DAILY MIRROR, October 15, 2020]
malindasenevi@gmail.com

Give Ambassador Teplitz a dictionary, please!





It is not hard to understand US Ambassador Alaiana B Teplitz’ angst. China, along with Japan, owns the debt of her country, the United States of America. China, according the US narrative, has re-colonized Africa without a single shot being fired. China, again according to pro-USA narrators, created the deadly Covid19 and controlled it while the USA is being strangled by it.  The USA was essentially sleeping while China laid out its Belt and Road Initiative. When the USA (and India) got wise to the ‘String of Pearls’ things had moved so far that only damage-control was possible; hence the hastily put together ‘Quad’ comprising the USA, India, Japan and Australia with the objective of ‘stopping China’ in the Into-Pacific region.

No wonder Teplitz is upset!

It can’t be just nationalist ill-will that made Teplitz rant and rave against China in an interview with the Daily Mirror recently. She’s the local representative of the US government, a citizen of a country that operates like a global thug but is in reduced and declining circumstances, articulating country-interest. She could have been more diplomatic but sometimes when reason is trumped by emotion niceties are forgotten. She’s also upset that she hasn’t been able to get her pet project, the MCC Compact, off the ground, possibly compromising career advancement prospects). However, more than all this, what’s probably most bothersome is the fact that China’s footprint in Sri Lanka is way larger than that of the USA.

Yes, the USA itself is upset. So much so that it openly violated WTO rules (which was pushed mainly by the USA in efforts that included arm-twisting representations of countries like Sri Lanka in the infamous ‘green rooms’ way back in 1993 when the GATT was buried and the WTO birthed in its place), in imposing sanctions on Chinese companies. If Washington is pained, it is not surprising that Washington’s official mouthpiece has an articulation problem.

‘Sri Lanka should engage with China in ways that protect its sovereignty,’ she’s said. Now this is an OMG-moment. The condescension! The sheer arrogance! How viceroy-like! And to talk of sovereignty, of all things!

First of all, what Sri Lanka does with any country is Sri Lanka’s business. Many Sri Lankan governments have danced to Washington-tune and this has not pleased other countries (India for example during the J.R. Jayewardene regime), but their representatives didn’t say ‘hey, your sovereignty is at stake, dude!’ Countries do business. It’s bucks or politics or both. Profits and strategic edge. The world is not flat and it is not easy for a country like Sri Lanka to walk the slant. There’s give and take and typically more give than take. True in the case of China, true for other countries too, India and the USA included. Not a happy situation but then again we don’t live in a convenient world.  

The USA does business. Just like the British in another era. The Accelerated Mahaweli Development Project saw many Western countries offering financial assistance. The main contractors in all these projects were companies based in the relevant donor nation. Well, that’s what China is doing in Sri Lanka. Aid, whether it is a loan or called a gift, comes with conditions. The political economy of development assistance benefits donors more than the beneficiaries.

It’s like a corporate giving an unemployed person a choice: ‘you could go without an income or work for peanuts and help me make bucks; it’s a gift, dude, and I am not forcing you to take it.’  

She admits that conditions exist and defends them too, even as she cries ‘foul’ over conditions she claims have been imposed by China. ‘Preconditions are not bad things, if they secure the integrity of the transaction for all parties involved. If the lack of such preconditions creates potential infringement on Sri Lanka’s sovereignty, or otherwise mortgages its future, would it not be in the country’s best interest to ensure preconditions exist?’

Well, there are conditions that come in black and white and conditions that are whispered or interjected parenthetically. Reference to machinations internationally are not uncommon in the USA’s diplomatic moves in Sri Lanka. Reference to trade-relations is also common. It’s saying-without-saying: ‘do this or else.’ Of course mindless or sycophantic politicians and officials don’t really help Sri Lanka’s cause. Sometimes, the USA openly helps ‘friendly’ groups to power (ref: the elections in 2015). So then we would see ‘independent leaders of a sovereign nation freely contracting with the USA.’

And then we have the sovereignty-loving USA bombing sovereign countries to the middle ages. We have sovereignty-fixated USA funding, arming and training terrorists. We have democracy-drugged USA supporting monarchs, tyrants and military juntas violently and brutally suppress pro-democracy movements in countries all over the world. It’s pick and choose foreign policy where the pickings overwhelming trump the lovely rhetoric. 

The Chinese Embassy has responded, gloves off, with some unsolicited advice:

‘While it’s always not surprising to see the US interfere into a sovereign country’s internal affairs, the general public is still astonished to witness [the] despicable attempt to manipulate others’ diplomatic relations.’

China couldn’t let her rant go unanswered, obviously, and yet, China fell short in the trite response. Perhaps if the Daily Mirror interviews Teplitz’ Chinese counterpart, a more comprehensive answer could be obtained.  Perhaps Ambassador Cheng Xueyuan could tell Teplitz and the people of Sri Lanka about loans/grants offered and the relevant terms including interest rates. Perhaps he could compare and contrast.

Teplitz talks about transparency and accountability, although the USA is certainly far from transparent (remember non-existent weapons of mass destruction in Iraq) and hasn’t accounted for all the destruction wrecked on the planet through wars and business. Cheng Xueyuan can do better, can’t he? He could call out Teplitz and explain ‘China’ to her (and to Sri Lankans who may have doubts about Sino-Lanka relations).

Meanwhile Alaiana B Teplitz could check the American Heritage Dictionary (the American Center should have one) and check the meaning of ‘Sovereignty.’. And while at it, check diplomacy and duplicity, complicity, arrogance and bewilderment. ‘Angst’ too.

malindasenevi@gmail.com

Remember the coach(es)

[a tribute to Arjuna Parakrama]




I want to write a few words about Arjuna Parakrama. He was the chess coach of my school and at the time the strongest player in the country. I want to write about him just to say ‘remember your coach.’

So when I was thinking about it, I remembered Jagath Chamila, memorable for many reasons but most for a simple but telling demonstration of gratitude.

In the year 2013, a man called Jagath Chamila was adjudged ‘Best Actor’ at the New York City International Film Festival for his performance as Sam in ‘Sam-ge kathava’ (based on Elmo Jayawardena’s award-winning novel ‘Sam’s Story’).

Jagath Chamila spoke in Sinhala, mostly, as he accepted the award. He said, with pride in eyes and voice, ‘this belongs to my country, Sri Lanka.’ And Jagath Chamila said, ‘I thank my high school drama teacher, Tissa Gunawardena.’ When he returned to the island, award in hand, he was received by his teacher among others. The embrace made for an iconic photograph.

I pulled the above from an article I wrote for the now defunct ‘The Nation.’ Skimming through it, I came across something I had forgotten. Rather, something I had written down but had forgotten.

This is what I had written:

‘It reminded me of something Arjuna Parakrama told me in 1987.  He was at the time a doctoral student at the University of Pittsburgh.  He had just submitted his Masters thesis.  “I dedicated it to my teachers.  We convince ourselves that our achievements are obtained through our own hard work and nothing else.  We forget how much our teachers contribute.”’

Arjuna was only a few years older than us. I remember him being a very strict, no-nonsense coach. He had a sadistic streak, I thought back then, for he could and would often make one feel very small. Maybe that’s how he taught humility.

What did he teach us? Well, I learned the openings that he was fond of: the Pelikan, the Benoni and the English. Maybe he realized that these suited me best. Others learned different systems from him. He seemed hung up on chess endings. He introduced us to Capablanca’s ‘Chess Fundamentals’ and ‘Capablanca’s Best Chess Endings.’

He was an undergraduate then and didn’t turn up very often, but I remember him being more present than usual just before an inter-school tournament. Some chess. Some values. The chess faded and I like to think the values remained. We fought hard, won some, lost some, wept when we messed things up, rejoiced when we got things right, kept the celebrations low and hid the disappointments. We made friends with our opponents. And these things we taught those who came after us.


He made us love the game. He insisted we play fair. He made sure we took both victory and defeat in our stride. The team matters, we learned from him. We never won anything significant except the inter-school chess championship in 1983 and 1984. Nothing like Jagath Chamila’s award. No speeches required and none prepared for. We didn’t get to say thank you. Back then we didn’t have to. Gratitude wasn’t shouted out or even whispered.  

We did, however, express thanks.

In the year 1984, Arjuna left for the USA to pursue higher studies. In our innocence and stupidity we got a white t-shirt, signed all our names and wrote in bold letters, ‘Mister Royal College Chess Club.’ He obviously could not wear it. He giggled in the way that is part ridicule and part courtesy. He was pompous. He still is. If he reads this, he would brush it off with one of his trademark catty comments. No matter.  

Coaches matter. And so this is a tribute of sorts to the Arjuna Parakramas and Tissa Gunawardenas of this world. Thanks.

Other articles in the series titled 'The Interception' [published in 'The Morning']

'Possible' is a single word lesson

Do you have a plan? Strengths and weaknesses It's all about partnerships
 
 
malindasenevi@gmail.com

Nadal-Federer, 20-20 and beyond


Rafael Nadal defeated world number 1 Novak Djokovic in a surprisingly one-sided French Open final (6-0, 6-2, 7-5) to win his 13th (!!) title at Roland Garros and also equal Roger Federer for the most Grand Slam singles championships (20).

Rafa has owned the French Open, putting together streaks of four on two occasions (2005-2008, 2017-2020) and a five-in-a-row as well (2010-2014). Maybe Novak had a bad day at the office. After all, he was unbeaten this year, apart from the unfortunate disqualification at the US Open and  had an overall 29-26 edge over Rafa including 14 of the last 18.

This however was Roland Garros and if it could have a synonym then it has to be Rafael Nadal. Quite apart from the number of titles, it was here that he won four majors without dropping a set (2008, 2010, 2017 and 2020); Bjorn Borg has three, Federer two, Ilie Nastase and Ken Rosewall one each.

He didn’t talk of records. Not the 13 titles in Roland Garros, not the record-tying 20 grand slam championships. And yet the champion captured the history beautifully: ‘The love story that I have with this city, and with this court, is unforgettable.’ He added, ‘I spent here the most important moments -- or most of the important moments -- in my tennis career.’

Great win. Great moment. Historic. Moving. Rafael Nadal’s night. All that.
Then we had Federer’s reaction.

‘I have always had the utmost respect for my friend Rafa as a person and as a champion. As my greatest rival over many years, I believe we have pushed each other to become better players. Therefore, it is a true honor for me to congratulate him on his 20th Grand Slam victory.’

Words. Easy ones. And yet, we’ve seen these two champions talk of each other before, the rivalry and the respect. There’s a touch of optimism in Federer’s response but that’s what a champion is all about — plays to win, always. Rafa is a couple of years younger and Roger hasn’t won a grand slam in quite a while. And then there’s Novak. He has 17 titles and appears to have a lot more gas in his tank. 

Champions all. They’ve dominated the sport unlike any other three men in history. Perhaps Roger is right, not just about his rivalry with Rafa but the rivalry all three have with each other. They are all hard working, determined, never-give-up sportsmen absolutely focused on the game. Such athletes spur each other on. Fifty seven grand slams titles between them. Fifty seven! That’s dominance of the rarest kind.

Of course there will be talk of ‘The Greatest’ or rather who the greatest is or will be (by the time all three retire). Roger’s early start and Novak’s late(r) finish will be factored in. Rafa’s French-heavy record will be pointed out. The score when all three played will be mentioned. Interesting, no doubt.

At some level, numbers don’t tell the entire story. And the best stories resist number and category. We get them as subtext and silence, in a glance and with a half-smile and who knows what else?

For now, there’s Rafa and the numbers 13 and 20. There’s Novak with the number 17 and Roger with his 20. More than these, however, is the love affair that Rafael Nadal has with a city and a court, and an observation from a friend and rival about how they became better players.

Other articles in the series titled 'The Interception' [published in 'The Morning']

'Possible' is a single word lesson

Do you have a plan? Strengths and weaknesses It's all about partnerships
 
 
malindasenevi@gmail.com

Gratien Amarasinghe and the definition of the word ‘All-rounder’

All-rounder. It’s a word that cricketers and cricket fans know. There are batsmen. There are bowlers. Batsmen and bowlers are also fielders. And then we have allrounders. Back in the day there were allrounders, but now there are batting all rounders and bowling all rounders; the former are specialists with the bat who can turn their arm and the latter are specialists with the ball who can be counted on to put runs on the board.

And so, the statisticians rank cricketers (in all formats) — we get the top batsmen, the top bowlers and the top all-rounders. They stretch it to include captains, teams and umpires too.

This is about all-rounders. Sorry, it is about AN all-rounder and one for whom cricket was just one of many things. The word, really, is about multiple skills, ideally excellent skills overall. One could be great at sports and at studies. One could be really good in many sports. And it doesn’t have to be about sports either.

Our man, however, was a sportsman. Gratien Amarasinghe.  

He was the eldest in a family of two girls and two boys. Born in Rajagiriya to a landed proprietor and a housewife, Gratien attended Carey College, Colombo.

These days it is rare for any schoolboy or school girl to be involved in more than one sport. The training regimens are simply forbidding. You do one thing and you just don’t have time for another. Even if you did, you might be good at one but average at best in another discipline. Therefore if anyone got school colors, say, for two sports, he or she would be thought of as especially gifted.

Now consider Gratien. He represented his school at athletics, badminton, swimming, hockey cricket, basketball, tennis, soccer and boxing. He secured the Senior School Certificate in Science, was a school prefect and won the medal for the Best All-round Student at Carey in 1955. He was the first schoolboy to represent the country at soccer. He was the Treasurer of the Senior Literary and Dramatic Association and had even taken part in theater productions!

He loved sports, obviously. That love didn’t wane after leaving school. He would represent Sri Lanka at soccer and came close to boxing for his country at the Olympiad. He would end up coaching gymnastics, swimming, basketball, badminton, soccer and boxing to students in many schools and also held various posts in several sports associations at the national level. Gratien still sports a blazer with the following legend: 'Sri Lanka Boxing 1952, Sri Lanka Schools Cricket 1954, Sri Lanka Football XI 1955, Sri Lanka Basketball 1959, Manager Sri Lanka FFSL 1979.'

Now 85 years old, living in Boralesgamuwa with his son Sumith, Gratien recounted an incident which exemplifies his love for sport. He had at one point represented Nava Lanka Sports Club, Kollupitiya, which was funded by K.J. Haramanis Appuhamy. The old man’s two sons were the captain and vice captain of the team. Gratien was the goalie. It was their sister, Seelawathi who Gratien married.

In fact when Gratien, as a 19 year old was picked for training squad ahead of the Asian Quadrangular Tournament in 1955, the Ceylon Observer ran a story about him where it is mentioned that Haramanis Appuhamy ‘one of Ceylon’s keenest soccer fans’ had discovered the boy while he was representing Carey in an inter-school match! That article (written by ‘A “Junior News” sports reporter’) has the telling headline, ‘His punch is as good as your kick!’ The reporter touched on his versatility but also describes him as ‘a simple, unassuming lad who has no time for hobbies.’ His books, the reporter wrote, ‘and the five branches of sports he is interested in take up all his time.’

He did have time to fall in love and get married too. Just about enough, as it turned out to be!

‘There was an international match the day after the wedding and sports correspondents in newspapers expressed doubt about me taking part. I went straight to the Sugathadasa Stadium immediately after the wedding!

He recalled how he missed an opportunity to represent the country at the Olympics as a boxer. He had lost to Dharmasiri Weerakoon at the nationals, which was essentially a pre-Olympic selection event. It had been a sad moment.

The happy times clearly outweighed the disappointments. He recounted how women’s basketball was launched in Sri Lanka.

A coach from India named Misra, who Gratien had met during a tour to that country at a time when he was the Secretary of the Sri Lanka Basketball Association, had written to him asking whether to bring down a women’s basketball team.

‘I wrote back, asking him to bring them, even though we didn’t have a team. The Indian team was received by Maj Gen Cyril Ranatunga. Dr P R Anthonis, my mother’s cousin, hosted them for dinner.’

How about the team or rather the absence of a team?

‘I got the netball team and taught them the fundamentals. The match was played at the Central YMCA and our team won!’

‘Simple and unassuming,’ is what he is, even now. He recalls the good times with a smile. He mentions but nudges aside the not-so-good moments. He doesn’t want to talk about them and I shouldn’t either.

He kept coming back to one thing. The secret of his versatility or rather the fitness that allowed him to do all that he did. Basketball.  

‘You have to be very fit. It’s second only to ice-hockey when it comes to speed.’

He doesn’t have any cholesterol or sugar issues. He is fit for his age. He is clear in mind when talking about what he loved most. Sports.

To put things in perspective again. Imagine a present day first class cricketer also playing soccer. Imagine a schoolboy cricketer who also represents his school in swimming, basketball, athletics and soccer, or just a couple of sports. Imagine such an individual either representing the country or being in contention for a national call. Now multiply that by three or four. That’s Gratien Amarasinghe or rather a rough estimate of how versatile a sportsman he was.

A legend, certainly.