It was, to recap, thrust down Sri
Lankan’s throat by Rajiv Gandhi determined to ‘Bhutanize’ the island, as a
logical ‘next step’ to a process of destabilization started by his mother
Indira Gandhi in 1982, when the first batch of Tamil militants were trained in
India. It was illegal. Its legality was obtained by reiteration via
elections. It was rejected quickly
enough by the ‘sole representatives of the Tamils’ (self-appointed) and their
one-time mouthpieces, the TNA which recovered voice and franchise,
paradoxically, courtesy the Sri Lankan security forces in May 2009. Even today, the Tiger rump which clubs
internationally rejects the 13th Amendment. No one wants it. It has benefitted only politicians and only
because it serves the political teething necessary to take bigger bites out of
the body politic at the national level.
Those who reject the 13th
do not subscribe to the same political ideology of course. For some, the 13th is ‘too much’
while for others it is ‘not enough’.
Either way, it is neither here nor there; not an ‘interim’ option, not a
working document for a better text. It
has only served political theatrics of the absurd kind.
Although the Supreme Court de-merged
the North and East, the potential for re-merging remained intact. The clause for merging of provinces has no
logic except to serve India’s purposes, i.e. destabilizing Sri Lanka in the
event of a Government that is not as India-friendly as India would like comes
to power. The 13th is then
essentially a Balkanization script awaiting enactment.
The drama over the ‘Divi Neguma’
Bill demonstrated how a spoiler can scuttle national development
initiatives. It is in this context that
a re-visit is called for. The Cabinet is
currently deliberating on the matter.
Those who have traditionally been ‘Pro-13th’ have asked for
time to offer views. Time has been given
and that’s good. The issue of land and
police powers has been raised and remains ‘up in the air’ with both the Opposition
(touching but not touching the issue in its much trumpeted recommendations for
constitutional reform) and the Government (we’ve only seen the smaller elements
of the coalition coming up with strong views) being cagey about definitive
statements.
Meanwhile, an ill-conceived and
deformed political entity that has done nothing for the people continues to
distract from the core issues of good governance and institutional reform
which, rightfully, ought to take center stage in the matter of constitutional
changes. It is for all intents and
purposes a dead object whose stench is a nauseating political reality that
unsettles post-conflict processes of reconciliation and development.
Indeed, it robs devolution from
whatever logical worth it may have. The
13th, after all, is not coterminous with ‘devolution’. There can be other models. For example, if taken to its logical
conclusion, we would have to leave provinces behind and go straight to the
Village Councils. Alternately, the
Eelam-map-fixing 13th can be done away with to make way for a more
logical and scientific re-drawing of provincial boundaries that make for a more
equitable distribution of resources and more efficient planning. The 13th stops all that.
If the Government feels charitable
in letting the likes of DEW Gunasekera, Rauff Hakeem, Vasudeva Nanayakkara and
others to offer views on proposed amendments to the 13th, it can go
the whole hog and put the question to the voting public. End of story.
The bottom line is, Sri
Lanka’s unity and integrity are not negotiable.
Want another ‘PS’? ‘We cannot import a solution, and it cannot be a Rajapaksa -
Sampanthan agreement.’ It’s a people’s
thing and that is exactly what the 13th Amendment is not!
The 13th is a political
corpse that has being carted from forum to forum, election to election; it is a
filthy rug that is posited as banner of conflict resolution. It was India’s baby. It is a cadaver that Sri Lanka is saddled
with. It is customary, need we say, to
bury the dead.
1 comments:
May the 13th Rest in Peace (a peaceful Sri Lanka that is)!
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