The faith of South Asian people in dynastic rule is astounding considering all the braggadocio about democratic traditions. There have been the odd ‘outsider’ of course but by and large the political stories of India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and as of late the Maldives have been about fathers, mothers, daughters, sons, brothers and sisters. It’s not a two generation thing either, for there are grandparents and grandchildren as well.
And it’s not just head of state we are talking about. Dynastic aspiration is something prevalent
across the board and at all levels. We
see it in local government bodies, provincial elections and even within
political parties. It can’t be the
political fascination of the powerful or those who crave power. Sure, they tend to have lots of money or draw
from moneyed backers and this helps secure votes, but that’s exactly the point
– unlike monarchies where there’s no-sweat succession, here you have to be
voted in. Well, it looks like the general
public is not averse to dynasty.
What this has produced, naturally, is for the progeny of
politicians to operate as though they are endowed with some kind of ‘gene
right’ to power. The legitimacy or at
least the logic of Sajith Premadasa’s political ambitions can perhaps be
explained by the obvious ‘genetic edge’ and an electorate that is confused
about monarchy and democracy. What is
important is for Sajith, the United National Party and the nation as a whole to
check if the prince-in-waiting has king-credentials on non-genetic counts.
He’s been in Parliament for 14 years. That’s long, after all
Chandrika Kumaratunga became President with just a fraction of that
‘experience’. He left the comfort zone
of his father’s electorate and built a base far away in Hambantota. He has decent crowd-puller credentials. He is accepted either as the Best Bet or as
the Next-Best-Thing of the party by the majority in the UNP. Part of it is of course ‘default’ on account
of real or perceived incompetency and authoritarian tendencies of the leader,
Ranil Wickremesinghe. Still, Sajith
seems the best pick as of now even if gene-right and default-clause are
discounted. Is it enough, though?
Sajith’s political record has a less than attractive
underside though. He wanted to oust his
leader. He once said that the only
person who can unite the party was Karu Jayasuriya. When the party leader agreed to set up a
leadership council, Sajith opposed the move.
Today, it is reported that he is willing to be No 2 to Wickremesinghe
provided that the Leadership Council be abolished. He would support
Wickremesinghe in a presidential campaign and this would certainly boost the
UNP’s chances. However, all things considered, it won’t be enough to defeat
Mahinda Rajapaksa.
Sajith would want
Ranil to be the candidate of a common opposition, contesting under the elephant
symbol. That’s a recipe for keeping out
other sections of the opposition, effectively strengthening the incumbent. It doesn’t take much to figure out that No 2
can make a bid to be No 1 should No 1 lose out on yet another presidential
bid. It would be a win-win
situation. One thing is clear in this
history: inconsistency. It makes him
just another ordinary politician.
There is another problem.
Sajith doesn’t seem to understand the meaning of gratitude. The man he
wants to oust, Ranil Wickremesinghe, was one of the few who supporter his
father Ranasinghe Premadasa during the dark days of the impeachment motion of
1991. Karu Jayasuriya was similarly a
staunch supporter of his father. In
politics there are no permanent friends or enemies, this is known. Nevertheless Sajith’s machinations at various
times against Wickremesinghe and Jayasuriya have been crude and motivated by
greed.
As of now, gene-right notwithstanding, Sajith Premadasa’s
politics can be described as one of taking IOUs from the rich to dole out money
to the poor. If he ever comes to power
there will be many waiting in line to cash these checks.
There is nothing to say that he won’t change, become better
and acquire some statesmanlike qualities of course. Then again, he’s close to 50 now and no
longer ‘young’. Maturity ought to have
made an appearance by now. As of now,
therefore, his moves can only be read as outcomes of other people’s plans,
designed for their benefit and not necessarily Sajith’s or the UNP’s.
Genes count in South Asia, yes. Not all, though. And not all the time. Sajith Premadasa looks like one not destined
to live up to genetic potential. Unless
of course he becomes consistent, obtains a better understanding of himself and
learns that although gratitude might not add up to much, it can tip the scales
in his favor. Time will tell.
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