27 June 2020

Is the MCC ‘dead and buried’?

Perhaps the lady's career plans are at stake!

I wouldn’t blame anyone for believing that the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) Compact is dead. Indeed many thought it was effectively shot down in early November 2019 when Ven Ududumbara Kashyapa Thero ended a fast-unto-death protesting the compact upon assurances first by Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the presidential candidate of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna and then by the United National Party’s candidate Sajith Premadasa.

Rajapaksa, at the time, vowed that all agreements signed after elections were called would be reviewed. Premadasa immediately asserted the same. The two polled 94.24% of the total votes cast. While the election was not primarily fought over the MCC Compact it is obvious that the result did not demonstrate a green light for it. The sentiment probably leaned the other way, i.e. against the MCC Compact.

So, is it dead then? Well, in politics it is not unusual for people, parties and policies considered dead and buried to be resurrected. At the turn of the millennium many in the then ruling People’s Alliance and their ideological cousins in the UNP would have believed that nationalism or at least Sinhala Buddhist Nationalism was dead and buried, along with concerns over the future of the unitary state . Federalism was the future they may have believed. They would have to shed such convictions a few years later. Similarly those who thought federalism in and of itself and as stepping-stone to separatism was buried when the LTTE was defeated in May 2009 had to live with a resurrection of sorts after January 2015.

So let’s not get ahead of ourselves here, not least of all because US Ambassador Alaina B Teplitz has stated that the MCC Compact would be signed after the General Elections of August 5, 2020. For all the assurances given by the lady and MCC representatives about benefits (‘It’s a gift, not a loan, dudes,’ they’ve said) one has to wonder why the gifting party seems to be more invested in the matter than the would-be beneficiary. The answer was provided in December 2019 by Senator
Bob Menendez (D-N.J) in his opening statement at a US Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing titled ‘Oversight Of The Millennium Challenge Corporation.’ Convened to question the MCC’s Chief Executive Office Sean Cairncross, Senator Menendez, the Vice Chair of the Committee made the following observations:

‘MCC’s data driven approach assesses countries’ constraints to economic growth, and their needs to ensure a maximization on investment returns each countries receives. Americans benefit from these investments as strategic partner countries experience improved regional security through improved economic security, growing trade opportunities, and the ability to resist malign external influence. MCC is an important tool in the U.S. foreign policy toolbox that requires congressional support, including robust oversight to ensure the independent agency sustains its success.’

Flag the following sections: a) ensure a maximization on investment returns, b) ability to resist (as ‘strategic partners’) malign external influence (China?), and c) important tool in the US foreign policy toolbox. So it’s not a ‘bucks needed by friends, bucks given, end of story’ as made out by outfits such as the so-called ‘independent policy think tank’ Advocata Institute which brags that its reductionist and anti-intellectual beliefs in ‘free-markets’ will deliver ‘sound policy ideas’ that are compatible with ‘a free society.’

Advocata is either ignorant of the basics of political economy or is as thick-as-thieves with the goons in this matter, for they submitted to the review committee the view that the Compact ‘should be accepted without further delay.’ Advocata need not call Menendez to figure out what’s what — a close reading of the text should have sufficed. This however would first require a suspension of both free market fixations and a preference for wide-eyed embracing of stuff dished out from Washington DC.

Back to the question. Is it dead, then? The Review Committee (on the MCC Compact) has submitted its final report to the Prime Minister. The Committee, in the Interim Report submitted in February clearly opined the following in the main: a) the Compact would have an adverse impact on the national, social and economic well-being of Sri Lanka, b) the Compact in its draft form contains sections that are at odds with Sri Lanka’s constitution and the law while implementation would be detrimental to national interest, sovereignty and national security.

Given that US Government has not indicated any willingness to amend the terms of the MCC Compact as of now, one can surmise that the Sri Lankan Government would have found it hard to sign the document if the final report does not stray significantly from the above. Apparently there’s been no such departure — Joint Cabinet Spokesperson Minister Ramesh Pathirana declared that Sri Lanka will not sign the Compact.

However, we can’t dismiss the Ambassador’s claim. She mentioned elections. Let’s consider the key players in this election. We know that the SLPP has a significant edge. We know that the Opposition is split, after the UNP’s presidential candidate Sajith Premadasa broke ranks and decided to contest in a separate coalition, the Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJP).

In January this year President Rajapaksa told the visiting Deputy Assitant to US President Donald Trump, Lisa Curtis, and Acting Assistant Secretary for South and Central Asia, Alice G Wales, that a decision on the Compact will be taken considering the views of the people and after the expert committee which is going into it comes out with its report. The views of the people were obviously considered by the Review Committee and found expression in the Interim Report, over and above the antipathy that’s evident in the November 2019 election result. Ramesh Pathirana has articulated the Government’s position. The party, i.e. the SLPP, hasn’t said anything so far.

The UNP’s stand is clear. The Compact’s key champion was Mangala Samaraweera, a powerful minister in the UNP Government of the time. In late October, the Cabinet of Ranil Wickremesinghe’s government decided to sign the agreement. Wickremesinghe claimed that this will happen before the Presidential Election. Interestingly, Sajith Premadasa, a senior minister in the same cabinet never once raised any concerns about the MCC Compact. He went along. He offered silent consent. It wasn’t until Gotabaya Rajapaksa gave the above-mentioned assurance to Ven Ududumbara Kashyapa Thero that Premadasa discovered an ‘opinion.’ He essentially copy-pasted his opponent’s position.

In December 2019, Sajith Premadasa went a step further. ‘I will provide parliamentary support if the Government decides to tear up the MCC (agreement),’ he declared. Just a few days ago, Premadasa upped the ante, ‘I am prepared to sign an affidavit pledging I would never sign the MCC agreement,’ he said, adding that the present government should give a similar assurance. Premadasa no doubt would publicize the promised affidavit in the coming days.

Is it dead, then? Let’s say, ‘buried,’ and as a note of caution add, ‘for now.’ The US is down (on multiple fronts) but it is certainly not ‘out,’ as machinations in Geneva to stop moves for a UN resolution or investigation on rights violations indicate. Moreover, this is not only about Washington’s prerogatives as clearly articulated by Menendez. It’s a pet project of the Ambassador. Ms Teplitz was in charge of making Nepal swallow the MCC pill. Perhaps it is a career-defining matter for the lady. One would have to be very naive to believe she would ‘take a knee’ (in remorse) having ‘given the knee’ (so to speak) in a diplomatic equivalent of what George Floyd had to experience.


RELATED ARTICLES


The MCC: did the ‘going devil’ break the earthenware crock (koraha)? 

DANGER: The MCC Compact is down, but not out

Finding paths to being enslaved by the USA 

A political reading of the US Ambassador's angst

malindasenevi@gmail.com

25 June 2020

Anyone for inclusive grieving?



'Those mothers and these mothers.' That would be a caption for a two-part visual of two sets of mothers, Tamil and Sinhala, grieving over the deaths of their children. Those and these are words that are predicated on location in terms of place, ideological preference, political stand and of course identity. It’s about ‘ours’ and ‘theirs,’ relatedness and un-relatedness, proximity and distance.

Step back. Imagine you are neither here nor there, that you don’t belong to either and neither belongs to you. Just two mothers, say, grieving over their children who died/disappeared in battle or in crossfire or were simply abducted/arrested and summarily executed. Take away what lends to political manipulation pernicious or otherwise and you get expression of grief. Simple. Unadulterated.

Today there’s talk of inclusive nationalism. It is different from that grotesque and absolutely pernicious formulation prefaced by multi-ethnic-multi-religious claims. Let me first explain why I used the words grotesque and pernicious. First of all, there are no mono-ethnic, mono-religious polities. Second, it is cheap and sly to make such claims without talking numbers and percentages, leave alone history and heritage. It seems ‘inclusive’ but in fact is about inflating those who have hardly any heritage claims and are smaller in numbers while suppressing those communities rich in heritage and history and high on numbers. Inclusive nationalism can be different.  It is about recognition and celebration with neither dilution nor exaggeration.

Obviously it’s open to much debate when it comes to post-war reconciliation in a country such as Sri Lanka. There have been, after all, wild and creative historiography about homelands. We’ve had grievances exaggerated and aspirations extrapolated from such exaggeration with absolutely no reference to historical narratives that can be substantiated or ground realities such as geography and demography. Creative cartography is about politics and politics is not necessarily about reconciliation. Still, it’s better to debate and better still that claimants to be called upon to substantiate. Better than demanding that which is silly to concede or impossible to deliver and then resort to arms because ‘demands articulated peacefully weren’t met.’ 

It’s best to start with fundamentals. Grief, to me, is fundamental.

When people die, especially in conflict, it is not uncommon for those who claim the dead to be their own to 'monumentalize'. We have memorials and cemeteries for the particular collective. Politicians, in and out of uniform, will be political.

Abuse of grief is sad but often inevitable. The loved ones, whether in agreement or otherwise with the ‘sepulchralists’ often have no other physical memorial to grieve at.

What cuts across the politics is grief itself. The aggrieved may or may not have ideological or political preferences that coincide with monument-makers but even if they did such factors pale against the starkness of loss. A mother grieves a dead combatant, but it’s not the soldier nor the war that is important. Motherhood is what matters. Little else.

There are no cemeteries for those who perished in the bloody insurrection of 1971 nor the several times more bloody insurrection of 1988/89. There were several cemeteries for LTTE cadres who had died in the war (date-of-birth left out for obvious reasons), but they were bulldozed after the defeat of that organization.

Of course grief is personal and the argument can be made that a symbol is not necessary for a parent, child, spouse, lover, friend or comrade to recall the dead. Most tears are shed in private, this we know. And yet if cemeteries and memorials are inevitable then they should not be the preserve of any particular community. 

Obviously inclusiveness in this sense will see politicians rushing to set up monuments that help further political agenda. So what would be the alternative? 

How about a place, a monument, a moment that is open for non-exclusive grieving/remembrance? How about a space where this mother and that mother can at one and the same moment grieve a son or daughter who is gone forever? How about conditions that allow this mother and that mother and indeed anyone in the vicinity to recognize the commonality of grief, the sameness in the temperature of loss and the texture of cathartic release?

No, it won’t deliver reconciliation. It won’t rectify error. It won’t alleviate grievance nor deliver aspiration. It would however help people come to terms with the non-exclusive nature of loss. This mother would know there are other mothers as inconsolable. That lover would know of another lover left behind. This child would see that child also grieving a father, a protector, a hero. This brother and sister would notice that brother and sister remembering that which is common to all of them — the love of and for a sibling.

How can a nation that cannot grieve together, prosper together? How can nationalism be inclusive if some are forced to grieve in private because public grieving is frowned upon?

Let us be inclusive at the foundation of all things. The heart. Hearts. In love, loving and the heartache of separation that is beyond reconciliation. Let’s have inclusive grief.

Other articles in the series 'In Passing...':  [published in the 'Daily News']   
 
 Let's start with the credits, shall we? 
The 'We' that 'I' forgot 
'Duwapang Askey,' screamed a legend, almost 40 years ago
Dances with daughters
Reflections on shameless writing
Is the old house still standing?
 Magic doesn't make its way into the classifieds
Small is beautiful and is a consolation  
Distance is a product of the will
Akalanka Athukorala, at 13+ already a hurricane hunter
Did the mountain move, and if so why?
Ever been out of Colombo?
Anya Raux educated me about Juvenile Idiopathic Arthritis (JIA)
Wicky's Story You can always go to GOAT Mountain
Let's learn the art of embracing damage
Kandy Lake is lined with poetry
There's never a 'right moment' for love
A love note to an unknown address in Los Angeles
A dusk song for Rasika Jayakody
How about creating some history?
How far away are the faraway places?
There ARE good people!
Re-placing people in the story of schooldays   
When we stop, we can begin to learn
Routine and pattern can checkmate poetry
Janani Amanda Umandi threw a b'day party for her father 
Sriyani and her serendipity shop
Forget constellations and the names of oceans
Where's your 'One, Galle Face'?
Maps as wrapping paper, roads as ribbons
Yasaratne, the gentle giant of Divulgane  
Katharagama and Athara Maga
Victories are made by assists
Lost and found between weaver and weave
The Dhammapada and word-intricacies
S.A. Dissanayake taught children to walk in the clouds
White is a color we forget too often  
The most beautiful road is yet to meet a cartographer


malindasenevi@gmail.com

Racism and police brutality: the USA and Sri Lanka


T. Greg Doucette, a US lawyer, and a mathematician named Jason Miller have compiled a list of 780 videos (as of June 16) showing police brutality. The investigative journalism website  Bellingcat has documented over 140 incidents of police violence against journalists during the protests.
 

A website called www.copcrisis.com claims ‘only a small fraction of the 17,000 law enforcement agencies in the USA track misconduct reports,’ and that the report of the Department of Justice on police conduct (in 2001) ‘was based on statistics given voluntary by just 5% of police departments in the USA.’

The following is a short list of violent incidents that took place a 72 hour period ending May 31, 2020 and were caught on camera.


A New York City police officer tore a protective mask off of a young black man and assaulted him with pepper spray which the victim stoop peacefully with his hands up. New York City police officers, in two separate vehicles rammed into crowds. Security forces in Minneapolis marched down a quiet residential street and shot paint canisters at residents who were watching from their private porch. Atlanta police stopped two black people, inexplicably shooting them with tasers and pulling them out of their car. Rubber bullets, tear gas and batons, pepper sprays and spraying other chemical agents, attacking people already on the ground or were even handcuffed have been reported all over the USA. Fourteen people have been killed and at least eight of them were involved in protests while some were bystanders while the involvement/presence of the rest haven’t been confirmed as yet (as of June 18). Please note that Black Americans account for less than 13% of the U.S population but are killed by police at more than double the rate of white Americans. In 2019, 250 Black people were fatally shot by the police. 


There’s a civil war in the United States of America and it’s happening now. No exaggeration. It’s about race and it is about racism. Police and police brutality. It’s not random, undisciplined officers but systemic racism that pervades that country and finds expression in the form of police brutality.
The USA doesn’t want to acknowledge any of this. Even after calling the UN’s human rights outfit ‘a cesspool of bias’ and walking out, the USA is using all means deemed necessary to prevails on the body to desist from passing resolutions on the country’s human rights situation. 


Washington is in a way the headquarters of racism and brutality insofar as decisions, domestic and international, are driven by the former and manifest as the latter. Of course the overarching policy imperative is serving capital interests, especially the arms and pharmaceutical industries but not necessarily limited to these.


However, capitalism (and all the violence that goes with it and generates), racism and police brutality do not make up some jealously guarded private property of the USA. Poverty and powerlessness go hand in hand with the sustained development of capital interests in other countries as well, big and small, rich and poor. There is racism outside the USA and Europe. Countries with numerically strong majorities privilege those communities. 

As such the question can be asked, for example, ‘Isn’t what is happening in the USA also happening in Sri Lanka?’ There are other questions that can be asked: 1) Doesn’t Buddhism have a special place in the constitution? 2) Wasn’t violence unleashed on minorities (Tamil and Muslim)?  3) Aren’t minorities systematically excluded from political and administrative office? There can be more of course, but these are key.


Buddhism has a special place in the constitution, yes (Article 9). This ‘special place’ is effectively nullified by Articles 10 and 14. This redundancy should be eliminated. However, those who wail about the ‘unfairness’ and demand secularism are loathe to eliminate exceptions based on religion and race or ‘customary law’ (for example the Thesavalamai law for Tamils in Jaffna, the Kandyan marriage laws and the Muslim Marriage and Divorce Act). 


Violence. Yes. Various regimes have turned a blind eye on violence against Tamils and Muslims. In 1983, the Jathika Sevaka Sangamaya (JSS) the trade union arm of the then ruling party, the UNP, led the race riots. Minorities haven’t been innocent either. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) was the world’s most brutal terrorist outfit for decades. It was also a racist organization, targeting Sinhalese (the vast majority of whom are Buddhsits) and Buddhist places of worship. The LTTE also turned its guns on the Muslims, ethnically cleansing the Jaffna Peninsula of that community and turning one in ten Muslims in the Eastern Province into refugees. As for the Muslims, the Easter Sunday attacks were orchestrated by the ‘National Thowheeth Jama’ath,’ an outfit that has been spreading Islamic Fundamentalism for well over a decade. 


Sri Lanka hasn’t had an Obama, true. However, it is not that people in the USA voted for Obama because he was black. Neither did people in Sri Lanka vote for Chandrika Kumaratunga or her mother Sirimavo Bandaranaike because they were women. Racism in the USA wasn’t ‘suspended’ during Obama’s reign and gender imbalances in Sri Lanka didn’t disappear when we had female heads of state. It would be simplistic to say that a country has to be racist if the head of state is from the majority community. 


In the case of privileges in top posts in the institutional arrangement, we need to take into account the identity (religious and ethnic) of the officials. Key institutions such as the Supreme Court and the Central Bank have had heads from minority communities. In fact Sinhala Buddhist ‘representation’ in the top ranks of certain institutions have been low and even non-existent historically. 

Such ‘anomalies’ don’t necessarily say things are all beautiful and equal. Indeed, certain minority political groups believe that only a federal arrangement would amount to ‘equality’ never mind that grievance claims are exaggerated, aspirations presented as citizenship anomalies and ‘solutions’ deliberately avoiding any comment on historical, geographical and demographic realities.  There are grievances. There are citizenship anomalies. 


We are comparing and contrasting here, however. The USA has one religious holiday, Christmas (Good Friday is a holiday in the UK and in other European countries as well as in Canada, Australian and New Zealand). Sri Lanka has holidays for all religious communities with Christians and Muslims enjoying a disproportionately high number. All the above mentioned countries have religious iconography associated with the state. Theism reigns. Christian theism, to be precise. You see it in flags, anthems and even currency notes. Nothing of the kind in Sri Lanka.


Let’s talk of prisons and police brutality. If ‘racism’ is to be extracted from percentages of the incarcerated, the so-called Sinhala Buddhist State is a masochistic edifice! Sri Lanka has known police brutality but here again if you talk numbers the victims have been disproportionately Sinhala Buddhists. The issue however was not race or religion. The police defended regimes. In the USA, obviously the police defends systems, but the issue was and is race and the violence was racist. 


Innocent Tamils were certainly targeted by the coercive apparatus of the Sri Lankan state, especially in the 1980s and 1990s, but this very apparatus moved to kill 60,000 Sinhala people in just two years. The victims saw themselves as nationalists. Identity was important to them. They were unarmed and weren’t exactly caught in a crossfire or killed by undisciplined soldiers. THAT was ‘policy’ and is very different from the realities of a war-theater where a monumental hostage rescue operation was successfully completed. There were costs, as always. 


That said, Sri Lanka is a long way from obtaining inter-ethnic and inter-religious resolve. We don’t have an ideal police force. Our justice system is flawed. Our constitution needs corrective amendment. At the same time,  we have nothing even close to the kind of systemic racism and police brutality whose existence the USA can no longer deny. 


However, if there were 780 videos showing police brutality and 140 incidents of police violence against journalists during the protests held over ten days in Sri Lanka, we would have the US State Department issuing warnings, Ambassador Alaina B Teplitz taking a knee and the UN issuing statements of censure. No, forget the numbers 780, 140 and 10. They’d still do it if it was just one video of a police officer kicking a protestors, one claim of even a journalist with dubious credentials whining about persecution over a period of 365 days. On the flip side, these entities AND their local lackeys have gone all quiet over rights violations in the USA. Telling!


Equivalency. Nice word. Misleads. Pernicious. The USA is in the middle of a civil war. Sri Lanka is not. 



malindasenevi@gmail.com







Paul Robeson didn’t scream ‘BLM’ but he knew what mattered


The Biddle. What’s that? And what has that got to do with sport? Legitimate questions. The Biddle came about at a time when countries such as the United States of America (USA) didn’t have to be cute about racism, brutality and well, repression in general. Things haven’t changed much as the murder of George Floyd and brutality unleashed on those who protested that murder demonstrate. None of it is new.

More people get to see it now. That’s the difference. ’The ship be sinking,’ as my friend, ardent basketball fan and insightful commentator on race politics in US sport Tony Courseault puts it:

‘…ask 10 people to define the system, and you get 10 different answers. The ship be sinking. It’s been rudderless for a minute. And social media, that great capitalist invention, is quickly becoming the tool for us to widen the crevasse of that formerly indomitable structure.’ 

That, and the fact of those in the sinking ship being forced to shed cloaks and wade in naked with knee, boot, baton, bullet and teargas. Horses and police cars too of course.

Back in the day things were different. The Biddle got its name from President Franklin D Roosevelt’s Attorney General, Francis Biddle, who came up with a list of ‘subversive organizations.’ This was in 1941. There were 11 to begin with but by the end of the decade there were more than 90. McCarthyism would follow soon enough.

The list did not mention individuals but people were certainly targeted. Among them a man called Paul Leroy Robeson.

He was born in 1898. His father was born into slavery, escaped and later became the minister of Princeton's Witherspoon Street Presbyterian Church. Paul became the third African-American student ever enrolled at Rutgers College and the only one at the time. He was made to suffer a broken nose and a dislocated shoulder before being selected to the school’s football team. He was a member of other teams but was once benched because a Southern team refused to compete because Rutgers ‘was fielding a Negro.’ He was a debater, a singer and an actor, skills which marked his later life and in fact added to his stature as an activist. He was elected the class valedictorian and in his speech urged classmates to work for equality of all Americans (of the USA).

That’s what he did. He worked for equality — of all peoples, not just ‘all Americans.’ He stood up for the British working class and colonized peoples of the British Empire. He supported the Republican forces during the Spanish Civil War and became active in the Council on African Affairs (CAA) which was listed by The Biddle. Yes, that. He was investigated during McCarthyism. He was denied a passport and suffered serious decline in income.

On July 25, 1946, four African Americans were lynched (according to some) or shot dead (according to others) by a mob of white males. No suspects were prosecuted for the murder of George W. and Mae Murray Dorsey, and Roger and Dorothy Malcom.

Robeson met and admonished President Harry Truman, warning that if legislation to end lynching was not enacted, ‘the Negros will defend themselves.’  Truman terminated the meeting declaring that it was not the right time to propose anti-lynching legislation! Robeson then issued a call demanding that Congress passes civil rights legislation and founded the ‘American Crusade Against Lynching' in 1946. Yes, long before anyone had heard of Rev Martin Luther King (jr). In 1951 he presented to the UN an anti-lynching petition titled ‘We Charge Genocide,’ insisting that the US Government had failed to stop the barbaric practice and therefore was guilty of violating the UN Genocide Convention. Interestingly, today, as I write, the US is using all means deemed necessary to stop the UN from investigating systemic racism.

The following extract from a wiki entry tells a lot about Robeson, the racism that’s part of US sports DNA and the systemic racism in that country.

‘A book reviewed in early 1950 as “the most complete record on college football” failed to list Robeson as ever having played for Rutgers and that he been an All-American. The NBC canceled Robeson’s appearance on Eleanor Roosevelt’s television program. The State Department denied Robeson a passport and issued a “stop notice’ at all ports.”’

An interesting reason had been offered: ‘an isolated existence inside United States borders not only afforded him less freedom of expression but also avenge his "extreme advocacy on behalf of the independence of the colonial peoples of Africa.”’ Robeson was also told that ‘his frequent criticism of the treatment of blacks in the United States should not be aired in foreign countries.’

Today, athletes such as LeBron James (Los Angeles Lakers) and Colin Kaepernick (formerly of the San Francisco 49ers) speak up against racism in the USA and of course police brutality. Hundreds of athletes have made their positions clear. They stand. They march. They speak.

Back then there was Paul Robeson. As for much of the rest of the world, it was like the river Mississippi as depicted in later renditions by Robeson of ‘Old Man River,’ originally a tune in the musical ‘Show Boat,’ the screen version of which featured Robeson: ‘What does he (meaning ‘Old Man River,’ or ‘The Mississippi’) care if the world’s got trouble, what does he care if the land ain’t free?’

The Biddle still exists, only it is not called that any more. And Robeson is alive, even though few mention his name. The Mississippi can’t keep on rolling along forever.

Other articles in the series titled 'The Interception' [published in 'The Morning']

The plus, minus and equal of improvement
Do you have a plan?
Strengths and weaknesses
It's all about partnerships



24 June 2020

Wildlife in the departments

Wild life in every sense of the word -- worth conserving, do you think?

I remember the last time I visited the Dehiwala Zoo. It was a humbling experience. Humbling because a girl less than 10 years old opened eyes that had been closed for more than 40 years. She was visibly disturbed by the spectacle of caged animals. She voiced her displeasure.

Out in the wild it is different. Out in the wild there are different rules. Different issues. Species share habitats. They fight over resources. There’s infighting too. Humans should know this better than any other species. So there are no idyllic landscapes of live-and-let-live. Creatures hunt. Creatures gather. Creatures protect themselves. Creatures attack when feeling threatened.

The animals, one can argue, are less safe out in the wilds than in a zoo. However, safety is just one of many factors. Some semblance of control, the freedom to move, the degree of choice etc., are also important. So we have the ‘out in the wilds’ option.

The problem is simple. We simply don’t ask the animals what they want. We tell ourselves ‘well, they can’t tell us, anyway!’ We haven’t tried to learn the language of our fellow creatures. But then again, human history is one where the powerful don’t bother to learn the languages of peoples they subdue, by deceit or fire-power. So we presume. It's 'white man's burden' at the species level.

I haven’t asked the animals, but the gut says if given the choice, few if any would opt for restriction in unfamiliar surroundings, far from family and habitat.

So we tell ourselves that it’s better to see leopards, bears and elephants in their natural habitat rather than in a zoo. So we visit places like Yala, Wilpattu and Kumana. So we feel good about ourselves.

But a Facebook post by Rukshan Jayewardene made me wonder.

‘The Department of Wildlife Conservation opened National Parks to visitors today. They are letting in private vehicles without trackers until further notice. Where is the oversight? Who takes responsibility for any incident taking place that can harm a visitor? Who makes sure people stay on designated roads? ( Do not drive off-road) Who takes responsibility for speeding, crowding/ blocking animals, alighting from vehicles and any other activities one may choose to do? The decision to open the parks is premature as the department is ill prepared to manage and monitor parks when they are open to the public in this way. The only result is going to be further mismanagement and degradation of a nation’s natural heritage.’

There have been all kinds of issues in national parks. Management has been found wanting on numerous counts. There have been many cases of unruly and/or ignorant visitors. That’s why there are rules and regulations. That’s why there are enforcing agencies. That’s why there should be checks and balances to minimize mischief and error.

Rukshan’s post reminded me of an observation made by a senior archaeologist: ‘if we can’t protect what we unearth, it is better to leave it buried!’ In this case, if we don’t have the integrity and discipline to observe wildlife in a non-intrusive way, if we can’t stick to rules and regulations, if indeed rules cannot be enforced, then we don’t deserve the right to keep such places open to anyone.  

What we do as a species to other creatures is despicable, whether it is in a zoo or out in the wilds. Not only have we, in the name of development and progress, destroyed habitats, endangered countless species for the thrill of the hunt, the meat, tusks or horns, we don’t even let them be in some degree of peace in the very zones we’ve declared ‘protected.’

There is wildlife. In the department. And not the 'wild life' that the department is supposed to be about. That much can be said.



Other articles in the series 'In Passing...':  [published in the 'Daily News']   
 
When the Government lowered the bar

The Theory of Three Chillie Plants  
The story of an aththamma and an aththa  
The underside of sequestering  
Potters, named and unnamed 
  Eyes that watch the world and cannot be forgotten 
When the Welikada Prison was razed to the ground 
Looking for the idyllic in dismal times 
Water the gardens with the liquid magic of simple ideas, right now  
There's canvas and brush to paint the portraits of love  
We might as well arrest the house!
The 'village' in the 'city' has more heart than concrete
Vo, Italy: the village that stopped the Coronavirus  
We need 'no-charge' humanity 
The unaffordable, as defined by Nihal Fernando
Liyaashya keeps life alive, by living  

  Heroes of our times  
Let's start with the credits, shall we? 
The 'We' that 'I' forgot 
'Duwapang Askey,' screamed a legend, almost 40 years ago
Dances with daughters
Reflections on shameless writing
Is the old house still standing?
 Magic doesn't make its way into the classifieds
Small is beautiful and is a consolation  
Distance is a product of the will
Akalanka Athukorala, at 13+ already a hurricane hunter
Did the mountain move, and if so why?
Ever been out of Colombo?
Anya Raux educated me about Juvenile Idiopathic Arthritis (JIA)
Wicky's Story You can always go to GOAT Mountain
Let's learn the art of embracing damage
Kandy Lake is lined with poetry
There's never a 'right moment' for love
A love note to an unknown address in Los Angeles
A dusk song for Rasika Jayakody
How about creating some history?
How far away are the faraway places?
There ARE good people!
Re-placing people in the story of schooldays   
When we stop, we can begin to learn
Routine and pattern can checkmate poetry
Janani Amanda Umandi threw a b'day party for her father 
Sriyani and her serendipity shop
Forget constellations and the names of oceans
Where's your 'One, Galle Face'?
Maps as wrapping paper, roads as ribbons
Yasaratne, the gentle giant of Divulgane  
Katharagama and Athara Maga
Victories are made by assists
Lost and found between weaver and weave
The Dhammapada and word-intricacies
S.A. Dissanayake taught children to walk in the clouds
White is a color we forget too often  
The most beautiful road is yet to meet a cartographer


malindasenevi@gmail.com