Patali Champika Ranawaka: future, tense

As things stand Patali Champika Ranawaka seems to be and indeed happy to be the right-hand man of Sajith Premadasa in the Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB). It is in the very least a notch higher than his status in United National Front for Good Governance or let’s say the yahapalana coalition led first by Maithripala Sirisena and Ranil Wickremesinghe and later by the latter alone.

Strictly in terms of positions held, the previous avatar would seem more grand. He was after all President Sirisena’s ‘right hand man’ in the Constitutional Council even as he was Prime Minister Wickremesinghe’s ‘right hand man’ as General Secretary of the coalition led by the UNP. He was a minister then and today he’s fighting to retain his parliamentary seat.

He was never a ‘big boy’ in either the SLFP-led coalitions of Mahinda Rajapaksa and Maithripala Sirisena nor one in the UNP-led ones, post notwithstanding. He was an outsider who sometimes had the particular leader’s ear. He was never No 2. That he is, in the very least, today. Fortunes of the SJB don’t look all that bright right now, but politics is a long affair and ‘rise’ sometimes boils down to being well positioned if and when the tide turns.

He’s a leader, there’s no doubt about this. During the parliamentary crisis of 2018, it is well-known now, Ranil Wickremesinghe was ready to fold. He was looking for a constitutional clause to bail himself and the UNP out and this he outsourced to Wijedasa Rajapaksha (of all people!). It was not Sajith Premadasa, Ravi Karunanayake, Karu Jayasuriya, Naveen Dissanayake, Rajitha Senaratne, Ruwan Wijewardena, Mangala Samaraweera nor any of the other so-called party heavyweights who came to the party. It was Ranawaka. He persuaded the leader to stay put, he rallied the troops. The insiders would know the details but it was evident to the general public as well, especially during the media conference at Temple Trees.

Ranil spoke. There were other (former) ministers in attendance. Before he left, Ranil told the media that ‘these others will respond to any further questions.’ Some of the aforementioned worthies were there and they all ‘kusukusufied’ and urged Ranawaka to do the honors. This he did.

Put it down to being inspired by moment, rising to the occasion or being in lesser company. What’s undeniable is being the leader of a party (Jathika Hela Urumaya, JHU) with hardly any numbers to show has not handicapped the man. The organizations he’s been associated with, starting from the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) in the early 1980s right up to the United National Front for Good Governance (the yahapaalana group if you will), have all declined and yet, the man has survived and indeed thrived. The JVP, Jathika Chinthanaya, Ratawesi Peramuna, Janatha Mithuro, National Movement Against Terrorism, Sihala Urumaya, JHU, United People’s Freedom Alliance and the yahapaalana set let by the Wickremesinghe-Sirisena duo are either defunct or non-entities or little more than occasional political irritants. The man plays his political cards well, obviously.  

But is it all about being a clever manipulator? Is he a greedy opportunist? Perhaps. That’s almost par for the course in parliamentary politics though; he’s no better nor worse than the next person.  Is he ruthless as some claim? Well, he certainly doesn’t have upaadaana (attachment) to organization, organization’s name or fellow travelers. He’s a moment-man and that’s not necessarily a bad thing in power politics. Was he involved in the disappearance of Prageeth Ekneligoda? That story stopped doing the rounds a long time ago.

How about the accident in Rajagiriya, the hit-and-run affair?  The jury is out on that. The critical issue here is whether or not he deliberately misled the law-enforcement apparatus and the courts. If he did indeed, then it is a serious offense that could have dire consequences on political career. However, if anyone can make prison work for him/her, it is Ranawaka. He would probably write a dozen books and come out someday as a hero.

All of the above is ‘politics.’ Let’s not give him the benefit of the doubt. Let’s say ‘he’s just another one of them down-and-dirty politicos.’  Let’s switch to work.

Patali Champika Ranawaka held several cabinet portfolios: Environment and Natural Resources (2007-2010), Power and Energy (2010-2013), Science and Technology (2013-2014), Power and Energy (2015 January to August), Megapolis and Western Development (2015-2019). Let’s consider track record.

It was when he was Minister of Environment and Natural Resources that it was a fully fledged entity, with all relevant bodies coming under him including the Central Environment Authority, Marine Pollution Prevention Bureau, Geological Survey and Mines Bureau (GSMB), Forest Department and Wildlife Department (which usually were placed under two ministries), State Timber Corporation, and the Wildlife Trust Fund. This is where he cut his teeth in administration and financial management.  

It is well known that he succeeded in making all bodies financially viable. Permit systems were introduced by the GSBM and the income tripled. The income of the Timber Corporation doubled. It was the same in all the institutions. Relevant acts were updated to empower the particular sectors. Forests were surveyed under a World Bank program that had been abandoned. A climate change secretariat was set up as was a Carbon Fund (anticipating carbon trading). Ranawaka proposed the Carbon Debt concept and this was accepted by the UN (it’s now called ‘Historical Responsibility’). He also presented a Sustainability Development Index to the UNDP. It wasn’t accepted at the time but we see bits and pieces of it now.

As the subject minister of Power and Energy, he focused on energy conservation and loss-reduction. The ministry developed priorities and projects. The perennially crisis-ridden CEB and LECO were made profitable. Loss in the Eastern Province mainly due to illegal tapping was brought down from 33% to 10%.  Energy conservation helped completely control peak demand. The Puttalam Coal Plant and the Upper Kotmale project were commissioned. The Atomic Energy Authority was moved to facilitate locally made civil applications.

He did run into trouble with the then political leadership over coal procurement. A severe drought and political arm-twisting pushed the CEB into making losses. He was moved in a cabinet reshuffle to the less fancied Ministry of Science and Technology where he developed an investment plan for an innovation strategy for a knowledge-based economy. This is where the idea of a ‘tech city’ was born. The expertise of many scientists and economists were obtained. Ten activities and ten thematic areas were identified, making a ‘10x10 matrix’. In fact this would eventually become part of the yahapalanaya program. Ranawaka modernized the Invention Commission and created a market place for inventors and business community. Vidatha — introduced by Tissa Vitharana — was expanded and over 65000 were trained in technology in rural and cottage industry.

The January 8 ‘change’ in 2015 saw him return to ‘Power and Energy’ where for the first time he had complete control. The CEB was once again made profitable to the tune of Rs 20 billion even though the fuel surcharge was removed. It now stands Rs 250 billion in the red. This was when the petroleum relief package was offered. The CPC stopped bleeding. Coal procurement was made competitive.

After the parliamentary elections later that year Ranil revived the 1990s idea of a Megapolis Authority and Ranawaka was offered the relevant portfolio. The Megapolis Authority was never made a legal entity. He also had to deal with the problematic Port City as well as waste management. These were the ‘visible’ projects which he acknowledges that he struggled with mainly due to lack of funds. However, the tech-city project took off. Light Rail Transport was approved, flood prevention work was completed in certain areas. The income of the Urban Development Authority (UDA), which was finally put under his ministry in 2016, was enhanced. Trillions worth of projects were negotiated with Japan, South Korea, China and the World Bank.  

It was a simple enough strategy that he adopted in these ministries. A workshop would identity potentials and priority. Feasibility studies were done. Comprehensive proposals would be sent to the External Resources Department. Corruption was stopped at the top. A delivery unit was established to appraise each project, department and individual. A balance score card was developed. Key Performance Indicators were developed and everyone had to deliver accordingly. In 2018 the Public Accounts Committee, after considering 20 parameters declared that his ministry had the best financial management.

Overall, it is hard to name anyone with a better track record as minister during the same period (2005-2020).

Ranawaka, who played a key role in the development of the 2005 and 2010 manifestos of Mahinda Rajapaksa, took issue with his then leader as he did with Ranil Wickremesinghe (Resolution 30/1 of the UNHRC, appointment of Arjun Mahendran as Central Bank Governor, etc), but went along with the relevant decisions. His positions with respect to Wilpattu are problematic. He has responded to allegations regarding the controversial Panama Papers but that was very recently.

What’s his future, then? The political fortunes of the party will be a key determinant obviously. He’s still an outsider, officially, although he’s much more ‘central’ than he was in the UPFA and the yahapaalana coalition. How the internal dynamics of the SJB play out in the context of a likely electoral defeat with the probable consolation of relegating the UNP into a minuscule parliamentary presence with a possible move on ‘Sirikotha,’ we cannot predict. The man will be in the thick of things, however. Regardless, it is likely that he would be the most and perhaps even the only effective voice in a SJB that sits in the Opposition.

It’s not all clear, especially considering the pending court case. However, the SLPP will no doubt find him to be the most irritable thorn in its political side.  

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