We’ve
had a fire at the Supreme Court, the reconstitution of the Sri Lanka
Medical Council (SLMC), moves to reconstitute the Public Utilities
Commission (PUC), an official statement from the US Embassy announcing
that the controversial Millennium Challenge Corporation agreement has
been tossed into the proverbial waste paper basket and unprecedented
scenes in Anuradhapura where the man who claimed he had found a cure for
Covid-19 courtesy the blessings of Goddess Kali created quite a rumpus.
Let’s start with the controversial ‘peniya.’ Now it is
fashionable to laugh-off anything that’s ‘native’. Call it a colonial
cultural remnant if you like. The problem is that Dhammika Bandara’s
‘cure’ was not tested properly. It was however ‘endorsed’ by sections of
the government and given publicity by the state media. It was
essentially a commodity in the market. There was a seller and lots of
buyers. Seller and buyers violated Covid-19 protocols. Officials failed
to enforce them. There was a buzz which knowingly or unknowingly helped
divert attention from important issues such as the prison riots in
Mahara. The Opposition waded into the syrup and is still stuck there.
Good publicity for Dhammika Bandara and the ‘peniya.’
That’s old
news. The ‘latest’ is the man making quite a scene before the Chief
Prelate of the Atamastanaya in Anuradhapura, Ven Pallegama Hemarathana
Thero, claiming that he was Mother Kali and was therefore the good
bikkhu’s mother as well! Now there are many Sinhala Vedamahattayas who
go about curing the sick quietly. No stamping feet. No advertisements.
Most importantly, they don’t use efficacy as though it is a license to
demand anything and everything. Dhammika Bandara is different,
obviously. He hasn’t done himself any favors.
That’s ‘ongoing’
and could divert attention from the other issues flagged above. The
Opposition was quick to claim that the fire at the Supreme Court was an
act of arson aimed at destroying important documents. Sajith Premadasa
visited the courts complex and called for an ‘independent
investigation’. The word ‘independent’ has been used so often that it
has lost all value, more so because the ‘independents’ that successive
governments have appointed to various councils and commissions have
essentially been political fellow-travelers of the particular regimes.
The
truth is that the fire had not caused any damage to manuscripts. It was
in a location where there was broken/abandoned furniture. Why such
garbage was not removed, we do not know. We do not know how the fire
started. Investigations are ongoing, we are told.
Interestingly,
the fire was intense enough to drag Ranil Wickremesinghe from virtual
cold storage. Following the historic election debacle in August 2020,
Wickremesinghe has been in political hibernation, so to speak. The UNP
is still to name someone to the national list slot. The issue of party
leadership is as yet unresolved. Wickremesinghe hinted at retirement. It
is well known that he is an expert at quelling opposition in the ranks.
The ranks left, more or less, and that has made ‘quelling’ irrelevant.
He is not one to let go, however low his political fortunes sink. He’s
come out. It is interesting to see what he does next.
Then
there’s the MCC, the PUC and the SLMC. The media release issued by the
US Embassy in Colombo is full of contempt, of course couched in
diplospeak.
‘Funds approved for Sri Lanka will be made
available to other eligible partner countries in need of grant funding
to pursue their economic development priorities, reduce poverty, and
grow their economies,’ it says, implying that Sri Lanka doesn’t have or
is not interested in pursuing ‘development priorities.’ ‘Development’
and ‘priorities’ as understood by the USA, obviously, which are not
necessarily in Sri Lanka’s interests. Sri Lanka doesn’t want to reduce
poverty, is another element of the subtext. One remembers that such
plans as are praised by countries like the USA gave us first ‘structural
adjustment’ then ‘structural adjustment with a human face,’ and finally
‘structural adjustment with poverty alleviation.’ That taught us where
poverty comes from.
The media release also claims, ‘country
ownership, transparency, and accountability for grant results are
fundamental to MCC’s development model.’ Well, the entire process of
project proposal writing was overseen by the US Embassy. There were ‘MCC
experts’ herding ‘local experts’ at Temple Trees during the Yahapalana
years. Mangala Samaraweera was pushing it. Wickremesinghe went along.
They were all dumped by the voters eventually. And, following Gotabaya
Rajapaksa’s pledge to review all such agreements, even Premadasa said
that the MCC agreement would be revisited. The JVP and the SJB wanted to
know the new government’s position. The Gunaruwan Committee appointed
by the President clearly objected to the agreement in its current form,
but the Government kept it on the table. Now it’s off the table. No
credit to the Government though.
The Embassy finally says, ‘The
United States remains a friend and partner to Sri Lanka and will
continue to assist Sri Lanka in responding to COVID and building its
economy.’ This is almost like saying ‘we are mad at you for not
following the script!’ The USA’s ‘friendship’ will be once again on show
in a few months in Geneva when the Sri Lankan case comes up for review.
Let’s see what happens then.
‘Diplomacy’ is in the subtext of
the controversy over the sacking of certain members of the SLMC, but
it’s not the whole story. There are ex-officio members in the SLMC as
well as a certain number who are elected. There are also those appointed
by the Minister.
Now there’s a hue and cry about the sacking of
certain members. The replacements are political appointees, cry the
objectors. What’s forgotten is that the lot that were moved out were
themselves political appointees. Sunil Ratnapriya is not just a
political loyalist, he is a politician. Dr Harendra De Silva, whose work
in the Child Protection Authority is highly commended by one and all,
was a close associate of former president Chandrika Kumaratunga. They
were all appointed by Rajitha Senaratne, now a man who anyone can say is
dignified and honorable to the last letter.
There are
allegations against those appointed by Senaratne in particular and the
SLMC in general which basically went along with what the minister’s
friends said or what they believed were the minister’s wishes. Replacing
them with a set of people that another minister trusts is not
guaranteed to produce startlingly different outcomes though. At the end
of the day, the outfit that clashed with the SLMC (the Government
Medical Officers’ Association, GMOA) seems to have got its way. A
committee was appointed to review the work of the SLMC, certain serious
allegations were examined, there were disturbing findings and some
members of the GMOA were appointed to the SLMC. Politics of different
kinds were and are clearly at play.
One of the murmured but not
openly mentioned precipitating factors in this drama is the de-listing of
several prestigious Russian universities. The process, the report
indicates, wasn’t above board. We don’t know if the Russian Embassy
expressed concern. Unlike their US counterparts they are not given to
issuing media releases or reading out the Riot Act.
There’s a
similar drama brewing with regard to the PUC. The President’s Secretary
Dr P B Jayasundera has written to the Treasury Secretary directing that
staff of the PUC be transferred out and offering that the PUC’s
functions can theoretically be added to other state institutions. The
current set of commissioners are certainly not saints. They’ve been
repeatedly rapped on their knuckles by the Attorney General’s department
for operating outside their mandate. They have essentially acted as
though they are a body parallel to the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB),
coming up with alternative long-term energy generation plans following
solicitation of public comments of the CEB’s plans. The long term energy
general plans are typically made for 15 years, with adjustments being
made every two years. The PUC, citing trivialities, have delayed
approval of the same, taking more than a year and a half on average,
which essentially makes such plans redundant.
If the
frustrations of the CEB have been noted by the President, that’s good.
The CEB’s detractors claim that certain high-ups in the CEB have their
own agendas. Perhaps they do. Well then, they should be investigated and
brought to light. Chanting ‘CEB is corrupt, CEB is corrupt’ just won’t
do. For the record, if the CEB was indeed corrupt and the PUC squeaky
clean and effective, why wasn’t corruption in the CEB wiped out by those
in the PUC?
Jayasundera’s directive is childish. It’s a shortcut
at best. What’s required is that the rules be followed. They are clear
as per Section 7 of the PUC Act No 35 of 2002 with respect to who could
be a member of the PUC, and the term and removal of members. The mandate
is clear. A regulator regulates but does not transfer to him/self the
functions/mandate of the regulated. The PUC does not make policy. It
deals with guidelines and works to ensure that operations fall within
the relevant parameters.
Overall, politics in the nuts-and-bolts,
i.e. policy-making, institutional arrangement and procedural matters,
seems to have trumped power games among and within political parties.
The
only matter of interest, at least for political analysts who look at
elections and candidates, is the resignation of Patali Champika Ranawaka
from the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU). Ranawaka, who at one point led the
Sihala Urumaya (SU) through which party he first entered Parliament
twenty years ago, was instrumental in mobilizing sections of the Maha
Sangha to contest parliamentary elections in 2004. The JHU secured nine
seats on that occasion and played a key role in the election of W.J.M.
Lokubandara (UNP) as Speaker. Lokubandara would thereafter morph into a
staunch ally of Mahinda Rajapaksa.
The fortunes of the JHU
declined not too long thereafter, but Ranawaka’s star was on the rise.
He is credited with having authored Mahinda Rajapaksa’s election
manifesto in 2005 and was a key speaker during that election campaign.
Following the resignation of National List MP Ven Omalpe Sobitha,
Ranawaka entered parliament and was duly appointed as Minister of
Environment.
The JHU joined the United People’s Freedom Alliance
(UPFA) in 2010 and had relatively meager returns, but Ranawaka came
third in the preferential votes in Colombo. He was given the Power and
Energy portfolio but later, perhaps since he didn’t quite see eye-to-eye
with the Rajapaksas, was ‘downgraded’ to Minister of Science and
Technology. The unilateral exit of Ven Athureliye Rathana Thero from the
UPFA in late 2014 forced Ranawaka’s hand. The JHU quit the government,
backed Maithripala Sirisena and Ranawaka was made Minister of Megapolis
and Western Province Development. He was, then, a Gota+Basil version of
the Yahapalana Government. He was President Sirisena’s nominee to the
Constitutional Council and was the Secretary of the United National
Front for Good Governance led by Ranil Wickremesinghe.
Ranawaka’s
political history is akin to someone who has switched vehicles
frequently. He either hit potholes or drove into them, abandoned the
vehicle and jumped into another. His organizational history, so to
speak, is colorful: JVP, Chinthana Sansadaya, Ratawesi Peramuna, Janatha
Mithuro, National Movement Against Terrorism, SU, JHU, UPFA, UNPGG and
now the Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB). As of today, the first nine are
nonexistent or largely irrelevant. Ranawaka has moved. Up.
Yes,
he was with the JHU for 16 years, but both he and the JHU would have
gone into oblivion had he (and the JHU) not hooked up with the UPFA
(2010), the UNP (2015) and the SJB (2020). Some argue that it was not
that Ranawaka jumped from party to party but that the relevant parties
had come to him. Well, writing manifestos notwithstanding, none of the
big brothers listened to him after the polls closed.
The JHU is
not even a rump as of now. It makes sense to quit. More importantly it’s
a necessary first step for Ranawaka to further his political ambitions.
Sajith Premadasa, whose sophomoric qualities got exposed during his
presidential bid, is no match for Ranawaka when it comes to intellect,
drive and even oratory. This was most evident during the constitutional
crisis in late 2018. Wickremesinghe was ready to give up, senior UNPers
were dumbfounded, but it was Ranawaka who held the fort and saved the
day. Too late in the day to stop the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna’s
inexorable drive to power of course, but although not a UNPer, he won
the (grudging?) respect of that political camp. It is quite possible
that a Ranawaka presidential bid would inject some hope and much needed
passion into the SJB/UNP. Premadasa better watch out; the attacks from
the pro-SLPP camp are directed at Ranawaka, not Premadasa, perhaps
because he is seen as a more serious challenge. That’s good for Ranawaka
and bad news for Premadasa.
So it was essentially a week of acronyms: MCC, PUC, SLMC and PCR (that’s Patali Champika Ranawaka).
malindasenevi@gmail.com
This article was first published in the SUNDAY ISLAND [December 20, 2020]
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