Those who worship free markets would say, ‘there is no such thing as a free lunch.’ Nothing comes free. Everything has a price which, they claim, is determined by the play of demand and supply in a market where everyone is endowed with the capacity to obtain all relevant information.
Nice
on paper. But let’s go along with the story. So, if there’s no such
thing as a free lunch, what do these pundits have to say about the
Millennium Challenge Corporation’s purported gift (withdrawn recently
after intense lobbying by the US Ambassador and MCC officials, backed by
certain members of the previous regime, in particular Mangala
Samaraweera)? They say, ‘There will be dire consequences!’
Strange.
Someone offers a free lunch, the would be ‘beneficiary’ says ‘thank
you, but no’ or at least shows sufficient reluctance to exasperate the
gifting party, the offer is withdrawn and the intended beneficiary is
told ‘damn you, you will pay for this!’ So, pay if ‘gift’ is accepted
(as per the theory of ‘no free lunches’) and pay if it is declined!
Not
too long ago, the US Ambassador was rebuffed by the then Chief Minister
of the Northern Province, C.V. Wigneswaran, when he was told to go easy
on the government, i.e. regarding the alleged human rights issue which,
interestingly, the US had held like a massive rock over the head of the
Mahinda Rajapaksa regime. We had resolutions moved against Sri Lanka in
Geneva during that period. Come the Yahapalanists and the USA eases
off. Obviously human rights were not the issue but whether or not the
particular government was willing to play ball. Clearly the
Yahapalanists were.
Wigneswaran upset the
Ambassador. He is no baby in this game, but he stuck to his guns. Today,
if the US Ambassador were to pow-wow with Wigneswaran, she wouldn’t say
‘back off, big guy,’ but is more likely to spur him on.
The
US Ambassador is doing just that, with the leadership of the Tamil
National Alliance. Strategizing for Geneva in a few months time. Of
course the USA, under Donald Trump, quit the UNHRC calling it ‘a cess
pool of bias’ but that hasn’t stopped US representatives from deploying
proxies to get its dirty work done. The noises we hear from London
regarding Geneva 2021 clearly indicate that Sri Lanka can expect to come
under fire.
Having opted out of Resolution
30/1 which was happily co-sponsored by a naive, nay pernicious, set of
decision-makers, Sri Lanka would no doubt have raised the ire of her
detractors, led of course by the USA and the UK. The US Ambassador,
whose stint in Colombo seems to have been almost exclusively about
pushing through the MCC, needs to wash off the egg from her face. Her
not so behind-the-scenes maneuvers is just that.
The
NGO lobby currently languishing in reduced circumstances are doing
their bit. This time around they are in the business of disposing dead
bodies. Yes, the ‘controversial’ issue of whether or not to bury those
who have died of Covid-19. It’s the Muslims who are upset and that works
well with their whine about majoritarianism.
The
Government has played into their hands by its indecision. To be fair,
the entire Covid-19 story is about incomplete knowledge. London is now
hit by a new strain of the virus. London will revisit policies. The lack
of complete knowledge forces decision-makers to err on the side of
caution. The government decided that burial was risky. The World Health
Orgainzation says ‘it’s not unsafe.’ However, they’ve added that factors
particular to the country need to be taken into account.
So
far, the authorities advising the Government on the safety or otherwise
of burials have ruled ‘unsafe.’ In deference to a need to be sensitive
to religious sentiments, the Government explored the possibility of
burying Muslim victims in the Maldives, following discussions with that
Government. Muslim leaders who have played the religion card in this
issue seem to have suddenly found a patriotic card up their sleeve: ‘we
want to be buried in our motherland,’ they cry. So far, representatives
from exclusively Muslim populated areas haven’t offered to accept the
bodies of their brethren who succumbed to Covid; those in Kattankudy,
for instance, haven’t said ‘come, bury them here.’
The
government is paying the price for trying to please everyone. They want
to allay the fears of the general public and also want to sort out the
anxieties of a particular community. It is best to let Science chair the
decision-making process. What’s safest? Cremation, obviously. Is burial
really risky? If the answer is, ‘there’s zero risk in buying the
Covid-19 dead in certain parts of the country’ and this assertion is
accompanied by a list of ‘safe spots,’ then the Government should go
with it.
The decision should not be shaped
by the interests of any particular community but instead framed by the
interests of the safety of all citizens. If there’s no risk in burial,
then the government could say ‘dispose as you will, of course subject to
following protection protocols.’
So far,
we’ve been getting mixed signals. Deciding that ‘burying’ will not win
any friends in Geneva. If it’s not one thing, it will be another —
that’s how the human rights game is played. The government cannot afford
to ignore ‘Geneva’ but shouldn’t let the antics of that political
theater frame decision-making here in Sri Lanka. Clarity is what is
required and opaque is what the government has given us so far.
We
mentioned Mangala Samaraweera. He sided with Sajith Premadasa when the
UNP fell apart, but decided he wouldn’t campaign. He went into what
could be called semi-retirement. However, he continues to be political,
taking potshots at his favorite enemies, the Rajapaksas. More recently,
he has targeted Patali Champika Ranawaka. Managala probably sees
Ranawaka as a possible presidential candidate after the latter quit the
Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU), clearing that obstacle to a bid to wrest
leadership of the Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) at some point in the
future.
Mangala has attacked Ranawaka
using the hackneyed epithets of chauvinism and racism. Ranawaka’s
backers have responded to Mangala, pointing out that this ‘great
liberal’ was not averse to playin the caste card when contesting
elections in Matara. To be fair, ‘caste’ hasn’t factored in Mangala’s
decisions when in power. Race and religion have, though, in reverse:
he’s shown a rabid aversion to the Sinhalese and Buddhists.
The Mangala-Ranawaka spat, however,
is just a side show at the intra-party circus. Sajith Premadasa and
other SJB stalwarts took to the streets over the Covid-19 burial issue.
Ranawaka was a conspicuous absentee. Silences and absences also tell
stories. This one is just starting.
However, a
week ago, the SJB’s working committee met to ratify a party
constitution. Sajith Premadasa was named leader. No deputy leader was
named. Kabir Hashim was elected Chairman along with six others who were
named ‘Senior Vice Chairman’ — Kumara Welgama, Rajitha Senaratne,
Ranwaka, Thalatha Athukorala, Imitiaz Bakeer Markar and Sarath Fonseka.
Ranjith Madduma Bandara is now the General Secretary and Tissa
Attanayake the National Organizer. Officially, at least, Ranawaka is at
the second-tier and he’s not alone. How his political fortunes unfold is
left to be seen.
Another story that’s just
moved out of the foreword or rather is being written in fits and starts
is that of the Ape Jana Bala Pakshaya (AJBP). The AJBP started its
political life inauspiciously. Several lists were rejected. The party
didn’t win a single seat from any of the districts it contested.
However, they were accorded one slot when the numbers for each party
from the national list was determined.
That
was the second inauspicious eventuality. As is often the case with
parties who secure just one slot in the national seat (e.g. the United
Socialist Alliance in 1994, the Sihala Urumaya in 2000), there was a
scramble (to put it mildly). The then Secretary nominated himself. Ven.
Galabodaaththe Gnanasara Thero of Bodu Bala Sena fame and Ven Athureliye
Rathana Thero (formerly of the JHU, credited with precipitation the JHU
parting ways with the Rajapaksa and making way for Maithripala
Sirisena’s ascension to the presidency) objected.
It
took four months for the protagonists to resolve the matter. Ven
Gnanasara was ineligible since the list on which his name was had been
rejected (he could make a come-back if the person who does get in
resigns). The Secretary was removed. An election pact had given Ven
Rathana the authority to endorse a nominee, i.e. he had veto power.
We
do not know what kind of agreement was made between the interested
parties, but as of now, Ven Rathana has the floor. What he does there is
anyone’s guess, but it would not be wise to count him out. Ven Rathana
has a long history of identifying key moments and weaknesses, he can
mobilize forces almost like a magician producing a rabbit out of a hat.
He should not be underestimated.
So now we have
223 Members of Parliament and the Speaker. That’s 224. How about the
225th? That’s reserved for the United National Party (UNP) and that too
courtesy the national list. The party, having suffered the most
humiliating electoral defeat in its history, has not shown the kind of
bickering we saw with the AJBP, but neither have we seen any urgency
regarding this matter.
Of course as things
stand it is of little consequence. The party is in crisis and has to
worry about survival. Ranil Wickremesinghe is still the leader and will
remain so until 2023, unless he steps down. This was the decision
reached when the party decided to nominate Sajith Premadasa as its
candidate for president in 2019. All top posts will fall vacant at the
end of the year. Wickremesinghe, not surprisingly, still holds the reins
but of a party that’s in very real danger of following other ‘old
parties’ such as the LSSP and CP into oblivion.
What
will 2021 have in hold, politically? We are not soothsayers, but it is
safe to say that the way of the virus and of course how it is responded
to will shape things like few other factors can.
malindasenevi@gmail.com
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