Whenever
predictions are made about repercussions from the international
community for things said or left unsaid or else things done or left
undone, I am reminded of Libya. Muammar Gaddafi was for decades the bad
boy. He decided at one point to try being the good boy. We all know how
he was rewarded by those who saw him as an enemy and who he later
thought were friends.
That’s how the
international community operates. International community as in the
movers and shakers who can and do move and shake on account of bucks and
guns (to put it mildly). It’s all about playing ball. It’s all about
conviction beyond any shadow of doubt that ball will be played. In other
words, there are no brownie points for good behavior. There has to be
an unblemished record of servility. One black mark and trust is
compromised forever. An unblemished ball player is thereafter backed,
groomed and even brought to power. If there’s no such entity, then they
go for the lesser evil option. Maithripala Sirisena for example.
President
Gotabaya Rajapaksa made a statement in jest in Ampara last week and it
got a lot of play. That is not a statement one expects from someone who
refused to badmouth his political opponents. It was careless. It was
crass. However, as often happens word was extracted from context, tone
and flavor. We saw inflation. We saw extrapolation. His detractors
warned that it will strengthen moves against Sri Lanka in the upcoming
UNHRC sessions in Geneva. This, on top of ‘concerns’ over the cremation
of Muslims who have died of Covid-19. They will no doubt add the
demolition of a memorial erected for LTTE cadres who perished during the
30 year long conflict.
A word on the last
is warranted. First and foremost students do not have any right to put
up buildings or memorials on state university property unless so
sanctioned by the relevant authorities. Whoever allowed that memorial to
be put up needs to explain his or her actions. Secondly, having allowed
it to remain and thereby providing consent by default, arbitrary
demolition is questionable. Thirdly, some students have issued
statements claiming that they are not interested in warring ‘with the
Sinhala government.’ The wording indicates that they do not see
themselves as part of this country. The Vice Chancellor’s claim that the
monument was an affront to reconciliation and peace therefore does have
some merit. His decision to lay the foundation stone for a replacement
monument is therefore confusing.
Another word
on the matter is warranted. It is not illegal for anyone to believe
he/she does not belong to Sri Lanka. Theoretically, a monument to
soldiers could be seen by some as a celebration of ‘wrongdoers and
wrongdoing’ although not legally, at least ethically or just in terms of
perceptions. A monument to JVP cadres could similarly be seen by UNPers
as a celebration of terrorists and terrorism. The Jaffna University
students are celebrating people who fought for a ruthless terrorist
organization. We could play that back and forth and remain where we are,
i.e. fighting a war along the alleyways of memory.
A
third word. The President can be open about these things, speak with
these students and ask them if they want to remain in the past or move
to a different future. He could say, for example, that the only grief
that is indubitably genuine is that which is felt by the near and dear
of the dead, regardless of what the dead believed, fought for, killed
and were killed for. The temperature of the tears shed for all the dead,
combatants and civilians are approximately the same. The President
could request the Jaffna University students to design a monument where
everyone can grieve for what eventually proved to be a conflagration
that produced nothing of substance but only delivered death,
destruction, dismemberment and displacement.
Now
whether the President moves in the above manner or in some other way
that pleases the students and the Tamil community, he will not be
applauded by those who want to bring him and his government down, here
and abroad. It just doesn’t work that way.
There is a political
economy of punishment and reward, censure and ‘let be’. 'A threat is
often more powerful than its execution’ is a quote attributed to several
top chess grandmasters and frequently used by chess coaches. That’s how
it works.
We get a string of accusations, a string of recommendations and a spoken or left hanging ending, ‘…or else!’
This
brings me to the most critical issue of the day. The East Terminal of
the Colombo Port. India wants it. We are told that Sri Lanka will have a
51% stake. Operations, if the deal is done, would be controlled by an
Indian company. It is reported that the frontrunner-investor is the
Adani Group of India. The very same group is building a port in Kerala. A
competitor port in every sense of the word. Forget Adani. It will be an
Indian company that would ‘run’ operations even as an Indian company is
busy building a port that is designed to draw transshipment business
away from Sri Lanka.
Giving the green
light to such a move is suicidal. It would reduce the Sri Lankan
transshipment footprint in the Indian Ocean. The JVP, FSP and others
including trade unions of all political parties have objected. Groups
that backed Gotabaya Rajapaksa and the SLPP have objected. The political
fallout is not difficult to calculate.
In
such circumstances why would a government accede to India’s not so
veiled demand for the East Terminal? Is there some subtle, ‘diplomatic’
arm-twisting happening? Is a give-and-take being negotiated? If it’s a
deal then obviously the costs and benefits are not contained by ‘port
development.’ It has to do with sweeteners. The Covid-19 vaccine?
‘Support’ in Geneva? What?
So, in essence,
there’s no clean, neat, integrity-driven logic. The ‘international
community’ will accuse and treat accusation as proven guilt. The
‘international community’ will say things that end with ‘or else….!’ The
‘international community’ will want to punish and will create guilt to
do so. That’s politics. That’s economics. That’s political economy.
Any
government that does not play ball is in a lose-lose situation. And
such governments (and we are not staying that this government is one of
them) have one option. Side with the people. Trust their judgment.
‘People’ as in general sentiments and not those that come percolated
through political interests or structured by possible benefits to
individuals or specific groups.
1 comments:
MP Harin Fernando did make a loud and lengthy tirade against the government in parliament, and was probably harping on President Gotabhaya Rajapase's inability to effectively control the spread of Covid 19 in respect of the second wave sweeping through the island. Harin F also has the black mark of failing to alert the church hierarchy over the threat of the Easter Sunday bombings of 2019. He was continuing on the opposition party's campaign of painting President Gotabhaya's government as having failed in the task of providing proper health care for the people, and using the occasion to describe himself as a good catholic.
As Malinda has stated, the public meeting to resolve people's issue in a village in the Ampara area was not the place to respond to the MP, and his ability to work with a firm hand as he did as the Def. Secy. was in no way a threat to the MP. Also the LTTE leader Prabhakaran's attempt on his life and the armed forces under him killing the LTTE leader were not appropriate to prove his abilities to be firm. Such comments are being mischievously publicized to score political points by his opponents. Mahinda Gunasekera
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