Showing posts with label Basil Rajapaksa. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Basil Rajapaksa. Show all posts

16 October 2018

BASIL



There has been a debate among the ‘pohottuwa-loyalists’ over the past few months, especially in social media. The debaters clearly belong to two camps: those who champion Basil Rajapaksa as the best presidential candidate that the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) can field and those who think his older brother, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, is the more suitable in terms of winnability and ‘presidentiality’. 

The two sides traded barbs, extolled the virtues of their preferred candidate and vilified the perceived spoiler. While comments on competency and winnability were interesting, overall the debate could be described in this way: those who were close enough to the particular man obviously had a personal interest in promoting his candidacy whereas they stood to gain little nothing if the ‘other guy’ became president. 

The media played up this ‘battle’. Very few made the most pertinent observation: neither has officially declared candidacy. Their political presence is of course obvious; both make public statements. Whereas Basil, in view of his role as the key campaign organizer of the SLPP, is overtly political, Gotabhaya is political mostly through proxy, especially the work of ‘Viyath Maga’ a forum of intellectuals focusing on policy development. They don’t say ‘It’s for Gota,’ but they aren’t fooling anyone on this.  

Basil has a political history that’s several decades long and not all of it has been as adjunct to his Presidential brother, Mahinda. Gota was not a name associated with politics until 2005. Both are seen as ‘doers’ and both have claims to have been Mahinda’s Right Hand Man.  

Not too long ago, responding to a question posed by a journalist, Basil said that under a Gotabhaya Presidency, he, Basil, ’would be an even more powerful president than he was under Mahinda,’ observing that Gota had far less political experience. That was essentially a remark about being ‘THE power behind the Mahinda’s throne’ and a hint at an even bigger role if the other brother became President. 

The SLPP has not decided. The two brothers haven’t stated intention. Gota, just the other day, in fact said that younger brother Basil would be more suitable for the job. It would be safe to saw however that both are legitimate contenders and for this reason perhaps it is time to ask ourselves who these two individuals are, in and out of the shadow of their extremely popular brother, Mahinda. Let’s begin with Basil. Let’s try to answer the question, ‘Who is Basil?’

The man is, as mentioned, a mover and shaker. He got things done during the previous administration. Obviously, family ties helped, especially since Sri Lankan politics is marked by a strong strain of feudalism. He had the blessings and the official authority. 

Sure, he was controversial. Former President, Chandrika Kumaratunga dubbed him ‘Mister 10 Percent’ alleging obviously that he was a taker. He certainly had access, for it is true that as the Minister of Economic Affairs, he controlled vast swathes of the economy. Developent was his baby, and it’s a rich little infant. The system has enough loopholes for the corrupt and greedy.  On the other hand, allegations are easy, proof tough and a man is considered innocent until proven guilty. One thing is clear. He delivered.  

Basil’s operations is one reason that there’s a lot of disappointment in this Government. Post-war development work during the Rajapaksa era makes the efforts of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe dispensation look sad, really. The highways, bridges, the development in the East and later the North, were his babies. Of course visibility is only one part of the story, but it’s what’s evident that usually counts.  

He’s arrogant. Politically, it was he who blocked Maithripala Sirisena being made the Prime Minister, a decision that proved to be costly. He also blocked Berty Premalal Dissanayake being made the Chief Minister of the North Western Province. Berty’s son, Duminda, was one of the first to side with Sirisena. Such things happened. They added up. He didn’t suffer objection, even from senior ministers. That sidelining caused defection or at least secret joy at the fate suffered by the Rajapaksas. He is also ‘credited’ with the rise of Rishard Bathiudeen. His name always comes up and not without reason when the brazen destruction in Wilpattu is discussed. 

So, Basil was and is controversial. He disappeared after his brother lost the Presidential Election. He wasn’t too involved in the General Election later that year. Perhaps he was biding his time. After the second defeat in 2015, he set up an office and did what he does best: organizing. Just as he had handled the election campaigns of the SLFP for a decade, Basil ensured a resounding victory for the SLPP at the February 2018 local government election. ‘The Strategist’ was back. Even those in the SLPP who were opposed to the idea of Basil contesting the presidential election, grudgingly acknowledged that the SLPP needed him. Indeed, Mangala Samaraweera, also a man who is thought of as a cunning strategist albeit with thin credentials recently described Basil as ‘a clever politician who should be in any Parliament.’

Much of this is known. It is important also to delve into the longer past, i.e. Basil in his various pre-2005 avatars.  

He first came into the political conversation when he sided with Maithripala Senanayake, who tried (unsuccessfully) to wrest the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) from Sirimavo Bandaranaike. It was her son, Anura, who was the de-facto leader of the SLFP (M) as the Senanayake Faction was called. Basil was the General Secretary.  

The SLFP (M) went about building an alternative to the SLFP (S), just like the SLPP posits itself as the New SLFP. Then, as now, Basil played a key role.  However, when Anura decided to reunite with his mother, Basil went along. That was the end of the SLFP (M).  

Politics took a backseat thereafter for Basil. Perhaps he was shrewd. He probably knew that it would take some years for the UNP to be defeated. He joined the Japanese construction giant, Hazama Gumi which was contracted to do work in the Mahaweli Development Project. Basil, naturally, worked closely with Gamini Dissanayake, a fact which often make his detractors in the Rajapaksa camp dismiss him as a UNPer.  When Chandrika took over the party and Anura defected to the UNP, Basil stood with Anura. He however supported his brother Mahinda and held positions that came under the portfolios he, Mahinda, handled.  

In 1997 when his wife Pushpa, a lawyer by profession, won the US Green Card Lottery, Basil went with her and their three children Thejani, Bimalka and Asanka to the USA. He returned frequently and continued to be in touch with politicians, parties and political processes. It was he, along with Willie Gamage, who strategized Mahinda’s campaign in 2005. 

We can conclude, then, that he’s a pragmatist. He is not fixated with party or logo. Ideology has never been something that concerned him. Power obviously matters to him and that’s the equation he understands best. The Strategist, after all, has positioned the SLPP to win the next election handsomely, so much so that the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe regime is terrified of facing an election, with Sirisena now openly pleading for a hook up with the SLPP.  

He holds his personal cards close to his chest. Reputed to be a family man, it is unlikely that he would be flippant about forfeiting his US citizenship (a requirement for candidacy). It cannot be ruled out though. What he would do if he runs and if he wins, is of course in the realm of conjecture. We could ask some question, however: What would Gota’s position be in a Basil Presidency? What will be Mahinda’s fate?  Will not an arrogant man with increased power demonstrate enhanced arrogance? What of the corruption charges? If true, would President Basil be even more corrupt? As a man with a proven track record of delivering development (of a particular kind) would we see an accelerated development drive? What about Wilpattu? What kind of environmental policy would he have? What would be the fate of the UNP when the strategist consolidates? 

We don’t know. 

Basil is not a great public speaker. This we know. He’s shrewd though. There’s an anecdote about how he fixed votes in Gampaha that says a lot about his political acumen. If he attended a funeral or a wedding in some area, he would invariably inquire into the urgent needs of the particular community. Let’s say a road needed to be repaired. He would nod his head. Within an hour a team of workers would arrive. The job would get done. It was not ad hoc. He knew this ‘urgent need’. He knew the materials that were needed. In fact it was all ready to go. Only, the signal would come at the most opportune moment. 

That’s Basil. He has things at his fingertips. He does the groundwork. He gets the job done. He is not to be underestimated. 

So Basil is in the mix, that’s for sure, either as candidate or one of the key backers of the SLPP candidate and in the event of a victory would be one of the most powerful individuals in the government that would subsequently be formed, if not THE most powerful one.  A man worth watching for a multiplicity of reasons, certainly. 

30 December 2014

Let’s dissect the Sahodara Samaagama

This was first published in the Daily Mirror on December 15, 2009, just before the last Presidential Election.  I flagged certain issues that I believed Mahinda Rajapaksa need to take note of.  Today, five years later, the people will (in part) assess whether or not he took note.  

When President Mahinda Rajapaksa addressed Parliament for the first time after the war was brought to a close in Pudumathalan in May 2009, he thanked all those who he believed were deserving of appreciation, all those who contributed to the national effort to rid the country of the terrorist menace.  He mentioned also the strength he obtained from family, his wife and his three sons; mentioning that ‘family’ helped him understand the anxieties and struggles of those whose loved ones had put their lives on line for the country’s tomorrow.  He mentioned also his brothers and, with a smile that was both indulgent of his critics and critical of them at the same time, he said as an aside, ‘sahodara samaagama’. 

Sahodara Samagama (the appropriate translation would be ‘Brothers Inc.’) has for some time now been the catch-it-all epithet used by the President’s detractors to vilify the regime.  The implication is obvious as is the whine: Government is a family-run business.  ‘The family’ being the Rajapaksas.  Naturally, the epithet is frequently accompanied by charges of nepotism.

The term Sahodara Samagama struck a sympathetic chord among a certain section of the population, in particular die-hard UNP loyalists long starved of effective taunt to counter the ridicule showered on them on account of defeat after defeat after defeat in numerous elections.  It was also received well by the dogged tribe of ‘academics’ and ‘rights-activists’ championing liberal values (when they are not championing separatism and imperialism or campaigning to resurrect the UNP).  And then there are others who may not salivate about a neat taunt but would be concerned about the reality that it may be describing. 

There are far too many Rajapaksas in the political business, one can argue.  There is the President at the top.  His brother, Gotabhaya, is the Defence Secretary, arguably the most pivotal position in a country fighting a ruthless terrorist outfit.  Then there is Basil, a man without a proper ministry but reputed to be the key behind-the-scene guy for the President, owning the last word on development, resettlement and management of the overall political equation (i.e. executing parliamentary and other jostling to ensure there’s political stability).  Older brother Chamal has long been in politics but is clearly a ‘back-bencher’ compared to his younger brothers.  Then there’s Chamal’s son Shasheendra, now the Chief Minister of the Uva Provincial Council. There’s Mahinda’s son Namal heading ‘Tharunyayata Hetak’ (A tomorrow for youthfulness), which is the de-facto youth wing of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party.   Of ‘lesser’ Rajapaksas and more distant relatives occupying lesser posts I know little, but what is known should suffice for comment.

One way to look at it is to assess competence.  I doubt if there’s anyone except the utterly malicious who would say that Gotabhaya Rajapaksa is not a capable Defence Secretary.  We know that Sarath Fonseka goes around saying he was single-handedly responsible for the defeat of the LTTE (and that’s an admission of guilt for the crime he claims was committed in the deaths of Nadesan, Pulidevan et al), but a more sober individual would acknowledge that Gotabhaya was a key architect of the victory. 

Chamal.  Some would say ‘innocuous’.  That would make him one of many in the cabinet and indeed one of many among all ministers from across the political spectrum.  Basil.  Perhaps it is because of the Presidential green light that’s always ‘on’ for him, perhaps for other reasons, but Basil gets things done. That’s what’s known.  He is one of the most energetic among the top rankers in the regime if not the most. 

Two things need to be said.  It is wrong to appoint people to positions based solely on loyalty or blood-ties.  By the same token, it is wrong to sidelines the competent just because they happen to be relations and therefore the appointer can be accused of nepotism. 

There is another dimension to this sahodara samagama.  Mahinda Rajapaksa inherited ad administrative and political apparatus that was infested with people who hated him, hated what he represented and were ideologically and morally corrupt with respect to positions taken on handling the LTTE.  He could trust no one, that’s the simple truth.  Perhaps he was taking a leaf from the history books or just doing what seemed most logical when he appointed him brothers to handle two key areas, security and development.  He can’t be faulted for it. 

Sarath Fonseka’s latest antics alone is an adequate rejoinder to any objection to that strategy.  Just imagine: what if the war had not ended when it did?  We know that some people referred to Sarath Fonseka as the ‘Legal Prabhakaran’ but this does not mean that Prabhakaran could only be defeated by a military twin.  In hindsight the biggest security risk taken by the President and his brother was when they appointed Fonseka as Army Commander over several persons senior to the man. There is consolation in the fact that whatever damage he may do to the President, he cannot harm the nation now.  Given such realities and possibilities, there was sense in depending on his brothers. 

Academic issues over democracy and all related philosophical subtleties aside, there is a reason why the ordinary people in this country have no quarrel with the sahodarayas forming a samagama.  I have heard many people say that there was no other way and some who even wish that the President had more brothers.  Perhaps we are essentially a feudal society and maybe that’s what is more appropriate for us, I don’t know.  

Nepotism then is a tricky issue for me, unclear and un-compelling.  What I do worry about is the charge of corruption.  Basil Rajapaksa is referred to as ‘Mr 10 Percent’ in that he is accused of taking a 10% commission on all contracts and what not.  First of all, that sobriquet had been coined by none other than Chandrika Kumaratunga, a woman who was dubbed as ‘Chaura Regina’ (‘Thieving Queen’). She did close to 0% for the country, and she scored pretty high on mismanagement, treason and financial hanky panky.  The ‘Mr 10 Percent’ taunt has been chorused by a lot of Mr/Ms Zero Percents (in terms of ability), and many Mr/Ms. 100 Percent (traitors).  I don’t think such people have a right to point fingers.

However, as a citizen, I can point a finger and so can others.  I can point a finger at those who make these claims: substantiate!  I can point a finger to the President too: investigate!  Competence cannot be weighed against corruption.  There are ordinary people who are not too happy about the corruption charges.  Not all of them are knee-jerk UNPers or JVPers or Fonseka –junkies.  They are the types who see the plus side of the sahodara samaagama.  They are the types who will campaign on behalf of the President. They are the type who would be willing to go along with the dismissal of allegation, but only up to a point.  They are the types who are likely to be the biggest thorn in the regime’s flesh in time to come if the air is not cleared about these allegations. 

Our people are not one-dimensional.  They are not ready to do the black-or-white number. They will, however, be conscious of the shades and the ‘shady’.  They will forgive certain things but not all transgressions.  Mahinda Rajapaksa and his brother must understand that there is no such thing as permanent political immunity.  Today they are worried about Fonseka.  Tomorrow he could be past-tense.  Tomorrow, like today, there will be people. And people ask questions. They want answers.  This is something that the sahodara samagama ought to keep in mind. 





Malinda Seneviratne is the Editor-in-Chief of 'The Nation' and can be reached at msenevira@gmail.com.