14 September 2013

Sunila Abeysekera and the prerogatives of the displaced



Sunila Abeysekera, 61, passed away a few days ago.  As in the case of all deaths, she is mourned by those who knew her best, friends and family.  But Sunila was not just ‘friend’ and ‘family’.  She was a political personality.  This is why Human Rights Watch posted a short note acknowledging her ‘work’ and expressing sorrow.  This is why those who stood with Sunila or found ‘comrade’ in Sunila for sharing views or sharing common enemy speak of her passing with sorrow. 

Some, in passing, mention her voice, i.e. in the literal meaning of the word (for others ‘voice’ is about expressing opinion, objecting to what is considered objectionable, articulating about and for the inarticulate).  Those who identified with her political work lament that she is irreplaceable.

No one is one-dimensional and Sunila was no exception, but her most public face was political. For this reason such her life will be assessed, celebrated and criticized for political reasons, primarily, with word on Sunila making way through ideological lens.  I write, for example, as a person who did not identify with Sunila’s politics, who objects to the machinations she was part of and in whose few brief encounters with her found little to cheer. 

Sunila Abeysekera was committed to the causes she embraced.  The impression I got was that she wholeheartedly believed that she was right and that she was driven by ideological predilection rather than narrow political projects which envisaged some kind of personal gain, political or otherwise.  Going strictly by the many tributes she was clearly a sociable person; friendly, kind, comforting, unruffled and quite the celebrator of collectives.  In these aspects, perhaps and especially to her politico-ideological comrades, her demise leaves a vacuum and warrants the ‘irreplaceable’ tag. 

She, an individual as opposed to party or organization, became rallying point for a bunch of people of eclectic political orientation.  Some were self-labeled ‘leftists’, some believed they were Marxists, some objected to people, parties, policies or ideologies she too objected to.   Take the whole lot, Sunila included, and one gets the sense that they could be called IDPs, i.e. Ideologically Displaced People.  That displacement can be traced back to the ‘betrayal’ by the Left in 1964 and worked through the veritable usurpation of the ‘Left’ tag by the JVP in the late sixties, the debacle suffered by working class political formations following the July 1980 strike, the global declines of the Left Movement in general, the fall of the Soviet Bloc at the end of the eighties and beginning of the nineties and of course China going the capitalist way.

The JVP did not constitute alternative for a number of reasons we need not detail here.  What these individuals were left with was a nostalgic attachment to the left label. What they were left without was an organization with an uncompromised leadership.  And so they migrated into clubs and societies, mainly NGOs which picked up ‘causes’ as per the directives of the political economy of charity, with inflows from the West that a) helped un-people whatever was left of the left, and b) effectively allowed for the management of dissent.  And so, they ‘discovered’ that environment, women’s rights, human rights, media rights and other rights, conflict resolution, peace-building, climate change, aid effectiveness, democracy-advocacy and good governance, permitted them to retain the left badge and also keep them afloat financially. 

They discovered workshops, seminars, foreign trips, election-monitoring and such.  They discovered vocations in all these things.  Put together, it is still nothing compared to what politicians and their lackeys make, of course, but all things considered this segment of the displaced could at best be spoilers or give a leg-up to politicians and parties that are no different to those they try to oust. 

They followed the Government from crisis to crisis, incident to incident, latched onto the Government’s new found enemies as possible deliverers of victory, dropped them when they failed to live up to expectations,  fled into Facebook and blogs, and conferred divinity of anyone and everyone who had whatever reason to object to those they objected to. They did not organize. Many would have sought salve from what they considered voices of sanity, especially Sunila’s.  This is why she is judged as much for what she said as for the company she kept. She did not close doors on anyone and this cost her, but then again she was not one to compare marginal benefits with marginal costs. 

It can be argued that the overall political did not offer them too many options, but anyhow the conditions drove them, in their ideological solitude, to seek one another, and be comforted in the fact that the echoes produced in small rooms where the ‘converted’ reiterate what other ‘converts’ say, made a loud enough noise. 

Sunila had her pet peeves.  She was selective. She had her holy cows.  Who does not, though?  One objects or supports as per one’s preferences.

Sunila Abeysekera made her voice count in comfortable surroundings.  Whenever she ventured outside and deigned to speak, she was open to query.  On at least a couple of occasions, I saw her bested by those who knew enough history, were alert and were articulate.  Sunila didn’t appear to hold grudge; she didn’t believe that political opponent needed to be personal enemy.  That’s a quality many of her detractors are not endowed with.  

She had a vision for Sri Lanka and that’s no less a right than that enjoyed by anyone else.  She played the game of relative merits, lesser enemies and bigger threats.  She was out of tune with majority sentiment, but she was not in a popularity contest and therefore remained undeterred. 

Sunila, by all accounts, lived every moment of her life to the fullest.  ‘May she rest in peace,’ many say now, but that’s what her life was all about too. She was at peace with herself, her work, her opinions, ideological preferences and political choices.  That’s something to applaud. 

Her fellow-travelers would do well to reflect, after Brecht, on the following: ‘unhappy are those who need heroes’. 

13 September 2013

Britain's incurable addiction

Britain has been named the European capital of drug addiction.  This is about 'legal highs', such as alcohol and chemical substances.  There are other 'legal highs' though, which are not mentioned in the report.  One is the 'legal high' of imagining that the sun did not set on the empire and that the people living in lands plundered by Britain should do whatever David Cameron (or Tony Blair or John Major) thinks they should do.  The other 'legal high' is selective amnesia. Britain drops invisible bombs and supports countries that drop invisible bombs.  That delusion is a heady 'legal' substance.  Britain has forgotten that it's power has diminished to the point that it operates like another state of the USA, just that it is on the other side of the Atlantic.  Maybe a little bigger than Puerto Rico. But this drug makes the British political leadership believe that it is Europe, forget about being a drug capital of that continent!

12 September 2013

The politics of hope

President Mahinda Rajapaksa has pointed that each and every candidate contesting the forthcoming provincial council elections wants to be the Chief Minister of the respective province.  The problem of course is that only one gets the post.  It's the same when it comes to presidential elections.  Many want to be the president and secretly work towards that goal.
In most cases it is about getting to be 'No 2'.  It's the same with the UNP.  People reckon that one day, Ranil Wickremesinghe will have to go, one way or the other.  The foolish want to hoof him out; the wise maneuver to become No 2.  It's the same in other places.  People want to position themselves to move up the ladder more quickly.  No 3, eyes the No 2 spot, and No 2 is waiting for No 1 to slip. 

There are times, however, when it is not clear who is No 2. Indeed, there are situations when No. 25 (or No. 147) can jump to No.2.  It helps if No. 1 happens to be daddy boy.  Or the favorite uncle!

Even terrorism pays (but only in Sri Lanka)!


It is reported that ex-LTTE combatants are set to secure IT/BPO jobs. They are able to apply and get such jobs because while they were in custody, the Government spared no pains to give them opportunity to obtain education and marketable skills.  Terrorist suspects in facilities run by the US military, on the other hand, hardly dream of getting a job; they just wonder when the torture (including electric shocks, water-boarding, silent treatment, dark room confinement) will end, when they will be tried. 

11 September 2013

The most popular brand

It seems that no brand is as popular as 'Ekthara'.  Whenever a brand or product gets soiled and indeed too soiled for the media not to pick up the story, Chief Editors and News Editors re-brand it.  They call it 'Ekthara'.  So we have 'Ekthara Kiri Piti Vargayak' (A certain milk powder brand), 'Ekthara Paudgalika Rohalak' (A certain private hospital), 'Ekthara peni beema samaagamak' (A certain soft drink company), 'Ekthara supiri velanda polak' (A certain supermarket) and so on.  It's not just brands and products that get the 'Ekthara' tag, people too have that opportunity: 'Vayamba Palathe Ekthara Amathi Varayek' (A certain politician from the North Western Province), 'Ekthara janapriya niliyak' (A certain popular actress), 'Ekthara Supiri Krikat Kreedakayek' (A certain cricketer) and so on. 

If you go to a supermarket or even a retail shop nearby, you will never find anything with that brand name, however.  How convenient!

10 September 2013

C.V. Wigneswaran chit-chats with a ghost



[IN A PARALLEL UNIVERSE CALLED ‘HUMILITY’…]

Illustration by Asanga Indunil
Canagasabapathy Viswalingam Wigneswaran, retired-judge of the Supreme Court, burdened by the unfamiliar rigors of politicking, took a break.  He told his entourage of supporters to take a break as well and stepped into a nondescript eatery on a dusty street in a less populated area of Vadukoddai.  Still relatively new to this part of the country, not many recognized him.  He was able to sip his plain tea in peace. 

A man, probably in his mid-fifties, who had been sitting at the next table suddenly got up, walked over to the would-be Chief Minister and politely requested to sit with him.  Wigneswaran looked at the bald-headed, stocky gentleman clad in a veshti with his upper garment decked with a salvai with mild irritation, but the smile on the man’s face disarmed him.  He grudgingly consented.

‘Thambi,’ the stranger said but before he could continue, the Septuagenarian retorted, ‘Thambi?’
He was not questioning relationship claim but perceptions of seniority.

‘Yes, Thambi,’ the man insisted. 

This brought on a stare, naturally.  Then the man said, ‘Amirthalingam.  I am Appapillai Amirthalingam.’

‘But you are dead,’ the ex-judge pronounced.

‘Strictly speaking I was killed, but you’ve resurrected me with your manifesto, wouldn’t you say?’
Devout Hindu that he claims he is, Wigneswaran was not ready to challenge ghost-claims, but in the manner of an impartial judge chose to listen.

‘As you know Thambi, I’ve been dead, killed-dead that is, for almost a quarter of a century.  That’s not as dead-long as Chelva Aiyah or Ponnambalam Aiyah, but more dead-long than Prabhakaran Thambi, but it’s dead-long enough.’

‘Wait, you still call him “Thambi”?’ Wigneswaran interjected.

‘In dead-land there’s little to gain by harboring ill-feeling, although Thambi studiously avoids me.’

‘Ok, go on!’ the candidate’s curiosity was aroused.

‘You are old enough to know that we really don’t know what kind of tragedies we precipitate with the most innocent and well-meaning of actions.  In 1977 we saw an election result.  Of course we identified with the cause, the Eelam wish and all that, but that parliamentary seat was as important a dream.  We didn’t know that it would take us to the Indo-Lanka Accord and when that came, we didn’t know that Thambi would renege.  I didn’t foresee Thambi turning into what he did turn into, Surya Devan and all that, and I never imagined he would send me to dead-land. ‘

‘Hmmm….’

‘Hmmm….anyway, the dead years are good for assessment and over the dead-years I’ve managed to skirt around that sad rock called Regret that keeps materializing before me wherever I go.  I wasn’t to know that I would lose the road map or rather have the road map grabbed from me. I wasn’t to know that Thambi would lose the plot.’

‘Come, come….hmmm,’ he couldn’t bring himself to calling this younger looking man-ghost 
“Annai”, but after a few pulled himself together quickly and said, ‘It’s not your fault or Thambi’s fault, and anyway you seem to be treating those Sinhala chauvinists with soft gloves!’ 

‘Oh no!  I have no illusions about Sinhala chauvinists.  But Thambi, we can only go so far with the blame game and that of passing the ball.  There were things we did which built the wrong kinds of walls.  It was not a great wall that carved for us a separate state along lines that we conveniently and arbitrarily drew.  No, it was a great wall between us and a place called “Better”.  Ironically, we regressed so much that today whatever “better” we can talk of is thanks to what we called the Sinhala Government and because that Sinhala Government got rid of Thambi and his goons.’

‘Shhhhh!’ the candidate shushed the former leader of the TULF.

‘This is the problem. We’ve been shushing too much. We shushed when Thambi started killing innocent people. We shushed when he started abducting little Tamil children.  I am sure even you must have shushed when Thambi got me killed.  There was shushing when hundreds of thousands of our people were held hostage. I can go on and on, I am dead and time is all that I have.’

‘Stop.  This is not about all that. This is about an election.  None of us seriously believe we can deliver what we promise. We can blame it on the racist Sinhalese who are not interested in addressing our legitimate grievances and delivering legitimate aspirations.’

‘I know, I know, but Thambi, politics does not begin when elections are called and do not end when results are announced.  Our words go to other mouths, who will add words to those that we utter.’

‘It worked for you!’

‘I don’t want to wish you anything less than the Chief Minister post, don’t get me wrong, but you know, our words don’t follow us to our graves and it is not just we who have to pay for our crimes of omission and commission.’

‘You are batting for the Sinhalese now!’

There was silence.

‘Dead-land is full of people who got their visas long before they ought to have.  It’s a crowded place, this county for the unnecessarily-killed where I am resident now.  Blame it on me.  There’s limited oxygen there.  We really don’t need to have our numbers swelled.’

It was time to pronounce judgment.  Wigneswaran closed his eyes. Reflected. There was silence.  When he opened his eyes, he was alone.  His cup was empty, and there was a half-full cup of plain tea on the other side of the table. 
    

09 September 2013

The TNA’s ‘hardline’ manifesto


There is a time-tested formula to obtain the optimum in any engagement.  It was proposed first by the All-Knowing and All-Seeing, the Buddha Siddhartha Gauthama.  The doctrine is contained in two ideas: compassion and wisdom.  Applicable to all, this formula offers the best instruments to dissect and respond to the manifesto recently put out by the Tamil National Alliance (TNA).

Promising sun, moon, stars and everything underneath is part and parcel of manifestos.  If, as Lee Kwan Yew once said, democracy in Sri Lanka is but the periodic auctioning of non-existent resources, the TNA cannot be faulted for promising the undeliverable. 

The TNA manifesto pledges a commitment to a separate state in no uncertain terms.  The deliverability aside, there are several reasons why such a manifesto makes sense, politically that is, for the TNA.  There is no Tamil country in this world.  As such, the promise has appeal, albeit to the less-critical and baser instincts of the Tamil community.  It need not be a place, even if obtained, that someone in Colombo or Toronto, for example, would ever inhabit, but it is certainly an idea that is warm enough to warrant support. 

Then there is also the issue of belonging.  The distance between the powerful and the powerless is such that few can actually relate with heart and soul to rulers.  A Sinhalese being President does not make all Sinhalese feel safer.  A woman president doesn’t automatically emancipate women from patriarchal fetters.  Given decades of deliberate mis-education by communalist leaders, a war where primarily Sinhala soldiers fought an outfit made of Tamils and failure to address real, felt grievances (never mind the inflations of the same), that sense of un-belonging can be expected to be more acute in a Tamil.  The TNA manifesto, therefore, is something that the Tamil voter could salute, never mind the fact that it echoes the Vadukoddai Resolution and the anger, violence, misery, death, destruction and dismemberment it precipitated.  Manifesto-scribblers are tasked to script documents that rake in the votes. They don’t have to deal with the fall out.  Responsibility is not their referent framework. 

The TNA Manifesto is different from those of other parties only in the fact that it pledges to deliver different ‘undeliverables’.  It plays on different aspirations.  The key words remain the same: ‘undeliverable’ and ‘aspiration’.  There’s nothing undemocratic about it.  Hardliners, after all, can operate within a democracy and do their ‘hardlining’ democratically.  And of course, this is ‘vintage’ Tamil communalist politics.  Nothing new here.  

The manifesto, therefore, should be looked at with compassion, as we have done above.  That’s part of the ‘wise way’, we offer, of treating the TNA and its hardline politics.  Wisdom, however, has other dimensions.

The TNA’s hardline precludes the possibility of any reasonable, say, ‘softliner’, considering that party as a credible partner in post-conflict reconciliation. Indeed, this manifesto can be branded as ‘RECONCILIATION OBSTACLE’ because it proposes a schema that will result in perpetual antagonism between communities.

Hardliners and ‘hardlines’ are not contained by legislation and especially not by that horrendous 
affront to democracy, democratic process and communal harmony, the 13th Amendment.  On the other hand, it remains a legitimate cling-on for separatists, Indophiles, regime-haters and other spoilers in the absence of a comprehensive, gloves-off, lets-be-real, lets-not-beat-around-the-bush, exercise to enumerate ALL grievances of ALL communities that include credible measurement of the same, leading of course to practical mechanisms capable of alleviating grievances to the satisfaction of all. 

All this calls for a fresh sheet of paper.  The first line on the paper could be ‘The Second Republican Constitution’.  Whether we like it or not, that document and all the errors scribbled into it that make for the legal accumulation of privileges by the rulers and the cover-up of all things illegal, while systematically robbing citizen of participatory agency in decision-making, remains ‘starting point’, this side of revolution or invasion. 

It is a relatively simple exercise (and one that has been done by many critics) to identify all its flaws and all its anti-citizen clauses, i.e. those lines which favor ruler and detract from the ruled.  In the rush to assert identity, consequent fixation with one’s community and simultaneous suspicion of the relevant ‘other’ to the point of fear, sense of threat and resolution to fight (back), the broader category of ‘citizen’ has been forgotten.  In power politics this is to be expected; ‘citizen’ is somehow less sexy than ‘Tamil’, ‘Buddhist’, ‘Catholic’ or any such identity.  Hardliners will not think ‘citizen’, and this adds to the burden of ‘softliners’. 

Whatever the TNA’s ‘hard line’ produces, the softer and ultimately more enduring line of national reconciliation is that which focuses on ‘citizen’, engages relentlessly with the constitution and consistently privileges reason over emotion.  Everything else is but testosterone rush and the comparison of libido.    

[You can reach Malinda Seneviratne at msenevira@gmail.com]


08 September 2013

The glorification of the inglorious


The High Commissioner of the UNHRC Navi Pillay came and went. She brought words with her, gathered some words during her visit, and generated some words before she left.  She is not done yet, since she has to ‘word’ sessions of the UNHRC in New York in a few days and in Geneva early next year.   Minister of External Affairs G.L. Peiris, in statements made in London and Colombo, has taken issue with some of these words. 

All in all, Pillay has violated the principle of proportions, both in visit and in word.  That however was expected, was a ‘given’, and one that is par for the course from highly positioned civil servants in the UN system.  Selective myopic, impaired hearing, sporadic bouts of getting tongue tied and occasional attacks of the Numb-Finger Syndrome that stumps accusation are occupational hazards such employees are required to suffer. 

She recalled by way of refuting claims she was partial to the LTTE that her only precious visit to Sri Lanka was to pay her last respects to Neelan Thiruchelvam who was murdered by the LTTE.  She even said ‘Those in the diaspora (sic) who continue to revere the memory of the LTTE must recognize that there should be no place for the glorification of such a ruthless organization’.  She did not include ‘glorifiers’ in Sri Lanka. That’s a glaring omission on her part and amounts to a glorification green light which elements in the TNA have pounced on, a go-ahead that arguably shaped the manifesto of that party.  Pity. 

That was word.  What of ‘deed’?  Pillay wanted to lay a floral tribute ‘to the dead’ at Mullavaikkal.  Touching.  On the other hand, the political symbolism associated with a tribute at the spot where the terrorist leader Velupillai Prabhakaran breathed his last squarely questions her stated antipathies to the LTTE, ruthlessness and terrorism. Whatever sentiments she had in 1999 appear to have changed by 2009 (going by statement made) and her 2013 words are mocked by her own deeds. She decried LTTE-glorification and at the same time desires to glorify.  Pity.      

Pillay, as Peiris has correctly pointed out, glorifies an incurably flawed document (the Darusman Report).  Her inability to question the travesty of justice in classifying source and evidence therein, recall the same mechanism adopted by the USA with respect to non-existence weapons of mass destruction in Iraq and more recently regarding Syria’s alleged use of chemical weapons.  More disturbingly, she appears blissfully unaware that this same report described the LTTE as a ‘disciplined’ organization.  Can anyone be faulted for asking if the lady a) really means what she said about the LTTE, b) really abhors glorification of the LTTE, and c) is a neutral actor in all this?

What does Pillay find most disturbing, though? ‘The harassment and intimidation of a number of human rights defenders,’ she said.  What is the evidence?  What she has been told and reports she has received.  Has she verified? She doesn’t say so.  Has she questioned credibility of source? Not to our knowledge.  It adds up to a single word: heresay.

But why is Pillay so keen to believe what she is told?  We can only surmise.  So here goes.

She’s put in more hours of conversing with these self-appointed pundits on all things related to Sri Lanka than she has with Government officials.  She’s read and seen documents and documentaries respectively based on ‘information’ provided by the same people.  Uncritically.  The errors of believing the unverified uttered by the unreliable accumulate and if an uncritical gaze casually grazes over all this, it is naturally to come to conclusions.

Those who told stories didn’t have anything to show to justify their whines.  They naturally had to conjure up something for the benefit of Pillay’s ears.  Ready-to-listen ears, one might add.  If she knew that some of the biggest names in the human rights and media rights business have hoodwinked donors and are so dependent on donor funds that they have to manufacture, distort and exaggerate in order to justify work and funds, she would take the lists offered and shake each one twice.  But if she insists on believing the written word and the said word uncritically, then the principle of equality imposes upon her the need to resist selectivity.  That would concede, in the very least, an understanding that things said need to be verified. 

Pillay made a mountain out of statements made by shady individuals with dubious agenda.  Pillay made a molehill on the post-conflict work of the Government.  Pillay forgot a word called ‘context’.  Pillay did not realize, obviously, that these omissions and commissions don’t do anything to dispel what she ought to understand are not unjustifiable concerns about the claimed impartiality of UN agencies and indeed her office.  The primary beneficiaries, given realities of political economy, are the biggest stakeholders of the regime, not the ordinary citizenry.  The legitimation edge vis-Ă -vis conferred by all this on the regime can and as history has shown, here and elsewhere, is likely to be abused, to the detriment of the citizens. 

Navi Pillay must ask herself why no one is cheering her visit or her words, except those who have by omission, commission and confusion, shown partiality to her.   

[You can send criticism and comments directly to Malinda Seneviratne by writing to msenevira@gmail.com]