There’s going to be an election in a few weeks time. On the face of it yet another provincial
council election in the now to-be-expected staggered format that gives the
ruling party an inside edge should not excite anyone. On the other hand, the Uva PC election is
being held amid widespread speculation that it will be followed by a snap
presidential election. A strong showing
in Uva would give the opposition a much needed fillip even if it ends on the
losing side whereas yet another one-sided affair would spell doom for whoever
that is chosen as the principal candidate of the opposition in a presidential
election.
Perhaps this is why there seems to be more election-heat in
Uva (unlike say, Wayamba). Intra-party
scuffles have for a change given way to inter-party clashes. Perhaps also, this is why ‘hot’ as Uva is,
there is as much talk of that campaign as there is speculation and machinations
with respect to ‘a common opposition candidate’.
All this was expected, though. It was anyway hard to believe that President
Mahinda Rajapaksa would stay his full term.
First, he is not getting any younger. Secondly, with each passing day
regime-fatigue becomes more of a factor that plays again re-election
aspirations. Thirdly, there is a thing
called ‘opportune moment’. There is a
lot to gain by calling for an early election, say, at a time when the
opposition is in disarray or is demoralized by a defeat.
The scrambling in the opposition camp to come up with a name
that everyone can support itself indicates strong conviction that there will be
an early presidential election, i.e. long before the due date of 2016. It is in this context that the remarks of
former Chief Justice Saran N Silva regarding Mahinda Rajapaksa’s eligibility
needs to be understood.
According to Saratn N Silva’s reading of the constitution,
President Rajapaksa cannot re-contest due to what he contends is flawed wording
in the 18th Amendment. The
thing about interpretation is that there can be more than one. Laws themselves can be changed and regimes
are notorious for using parliamentary majorities to pass partisan
legislation. We saw this at the tail end
of the eighties when the UNP was about to lose its two-thirds majority. Courtesy Sarath N Silva, ironically, ruling
parties can always obtain the two-thirds majority required for constitutional
amendment. That’s considerable political
edge.
Even if the ruling party does not avail itself of these
benefits, final determination comes from the Supreme Court and according to
opposition voices including that of the former Chief Justice it’s a naduth-haamuduruwange-baduth-haamuduruwange
state of affairs.
In all these machinations, claims and legal arguments one
thing stands out: picking a ‘common candidate’ is less important for the
opposition than making sure that the ‘chosen one’ will not have to confront
Mahinda Rajapaksa. Even his most
vociferous critic will admit that he is Mr Impossible To Beat, and not just
because of the massive advantage that the constitution as well as political
realities confer on the incumbent.
The
troubling truth for the opposition is that in the business of choosing lesser
evils, the President has far greater appeal than any of the names being floated
as possible challenger. All the more
reason, naturally, to do whatever is necessary to get his name off the
ballot.
There are two perceptions that are commonly expressed, even
by the President’s detractors. First,
that although regime-approval is low and people are not happy with the
Government, they will still vote for the betel leaf.
One often hears frustrated voices in the
opposition cursing the people for being stupid, especially in the aftermath of
electoral defeat. Secondly, there is
grudging acknowledgement of the President’s popularity: oya yaka kohomahari dinanava (this devil will win somehow). This acceptance is not about hook-or-crook
scenarios but the fact that unpopular as the government is and despised as most
ministers are, the President is still seen as an ‘ape manussaya’ (our man).
What this means is that the opposition’s failure is of a
magnitude greater that whatever general popularity slippage detracts from the
President’s overall persona. In this
context even if the opposition were to get its act together (a tall order in
itself) the outcome will not subvert the script.
This is why interventions such as Sarath N
Silva’s, sadly, are crucial for the opposition.
What it means is that the opposition has been in arm-chair mode for far
too long. The opposition has to
understand that voice-cut politics won’t deliver anything.
In this context, what the former Chief Justice’s
intervention and the vociferous cheers thereafter really amounts to is a confession from the overall opposition: ‘We
are scared to run against Mahinda Rajapaksa’.
It indicates that there’s a lot more work to be done among the people
and that they’ve started rather late in the day. Better late than never, though, is something
to cling on to.
1 comments:
Basically Mahinda Rajapakse is a decent soul. I remember him as a Human Rights activist and anybody with that mindset cannot be all bad. Unfortunately circumstances has compelled him to surround himself with incompetent people. E.g. Mervyn Silva who has no respect for the law or Gotabaya Rajapakse whose strategy for uninterrupted command appears to be that old adage, “Divide and Rule”. His blatant actions to divide the different religious communities has not gone unnoticed.
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