It’s
a Covid19-dominated week. Well, what week in the last nine months or
so has not been dominated by the deadly virus, one may ask. This is
true. The numbers pertaining to what is now called ‘The Second Way’ are
far more alarming than those we saw during the initial stages of the
outbreak, so let us offer the following as a weekly update:
As of
Thursday the 26th of November, 2020, 21,468 cases have been reported in
Sri Lanka. Recoveries stood at 15,446, which indicates a 71.95%
recovery rate. A total of 96 persons have died (0.45% death rate).
Active cases, as of Thursday, stood at 5,926.
Data with regard to the ‘Second Wave’ culled by the website
www.gammiris.lk
from various sources including the Epidemiology Unite, hospitals,
Police and security forces can be summarized as follows: 83 deaths have
been recorded against 17,934 positive cases at a rate of 0.46%; of these
26.51% are actual COVID deaths whereas others have been identified as
Covid-related during investigations after death; 25.30% cases are
symptomatic, 63.86% are male, 79.52% are above 50 years of age, 96.23%
are with underlying adverse health conditions.
Covid-19
may not be here forever, but it certainly is going to be around for
quite a while. The experts have put together a strategy and various
institutions are engaged in doing their parts in combatting the
pandemic. While there are containment measures being put in place
whenever a cluster is identified, there’s no indication of an
island-wide lockdown being imposed. Protection protocols are now well
known by one and all. They are imposed in various degrees of strictness
by all institutions, public and private. Lapses there were, are and will
be. This is to be expected and this is unfortunate because all the good
work of authorities working tirelessly and at great risk can be undone
by one errant individual or a relaxing of protection regimes by any
institution.
That’s Covid. Covid or no
Covid, as the Opposition has often enough argued, the economy must
function. Obviously, this throws sand in the wheels of the Opposition’s
oft-expressed horror about constitutional reform. The fact of the matter
is that parliamentarians are required to make laws, not administer
Covid tests.
So let’s move to the ‘usual’
matters of the week. Last week court absolved the then President’s
Secretary Lalith Weeratunga and the Director General,
Telecommunications Regulatory Commission of any wrongdoing over the much
publicized sil-redi case. This week, former Eastern Province Chief
Minister Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan alias Pilleyan was granted bail
by the Batticaloa Magistrate’s Court. Pilleyan was arrested on October
11, 2015, more than five years ago. No trial. Hold on to that.
Now
we have various people complaining about LTTE cadres being held without
trial. Among them are NGO personalities, representatives of various
countries and UN agencies and political commentators. None of them saw
anything wrong about Pilleyan being held for so long. Was it because it
was their friends (the Yahapalanists) during whose watch Pilleyan was
put behind bars? Is it them about friends and not about principles?
They
appear to have abandoned the LTTE suspects (political prisoners, they
call them) and have Hejaaz Hizbullah as their pinup boy of the moment.
Hizbullah is being held under the Prevention of Terrorism Act. His case
has not come up for trial. He could be held for years. Just like
Pilleyan. If one applied the principle, ‘innocent until proven guilty,’
then one has to be seriously worried about sloth in the judicial system
which makes it possible for anyone to be held indefinitely (five years
in the case of Pilleyan, more than 10 in the case of LTTE cadres and who
knows until when in the case of Hizbullah?).
Interestingly,
the horror-stricken alluded to above have been and still are comfy in
making out that accusation amounts to guilt. The Sri Lankan security
forces have been berated over their heads for more than a decade with
this twisted club. They don’t seem to realize that the same instrument
can be used on Hizbullah.
Interestingly, the twist works in the
other direction as well. If accusation does not amount to guilt (as
those defending the Sri Lankan security forces often claim) then the
patently nasty treatment of Hizbullah is out of order. Out of order too
is a government that does not insist that this is unfair. Out of order
also on account of the long and unexpected delay on the part of the
prosecution with respect to Hizbullah.
This
week, we also saw former President, Maithripala Sirisena in the news.
He does cut a sorry figure considering that his newsworthiness is solely
dependent on appearances at the Commission of Inquiry into the Easter
Sunday attacks. Yahapalanists who were crowing that the 19th Amendment
effectively clipped the executive wings of the president and made the
Prime Minister (that’s Ranil Wickremesinghe) all powerful, ought to
defend Sirisena, but they don’t. Neither do they blame Ranil
Wickremesinghe. Easter Sunday is an egg laid by some unknown hen, as far
as they are concerned.
Speaking of the
Easter Sunday attacks, what really happened to that parliamentary
committee on national security appointed by the previous government? A
sectoral oversight committee on National Security submitted a report
‘for (the) formulation and implementation of relevant laws required to
ensure national security that will eliminate “New Terrorism” and
extremism by strengthening friendship among races and religions.’ That’s
what’s on the title page of over 300 paged report. It was presented to
Parliament on February 19th, 2020, days before Parliament was dissolved
and the curtain officially fell on the Yahapalana circus. The committee
was chaired by Malith Jayathilake and included Shehan Semasinghe,
Vijitha Herath, Weerakumara Dissanayake, Buddhika Pathirana, M.S.
Thowfeek, Palitha Thevarapperuma, S Viyalanderan, Dharmalingam
Siddarthan, A A Wijethunga, M.A. Sumanthiran, Chandima Gamage, Kavinda
Jayawardane, Mayantha Dissanayake, Bandula Bandarigoda, Muhammad Ibrahim
Mansoon and Ashu Marasinghe.
Some of the
above are still members of the current Parliament. Regardless, it is a
comprehensive report with what appears to be pragmatic measures. The
President and his party repeatedly said that national security is a
‘Number One Priority’. The report covers important areas such as
education, attire that makes identification impossible, national
security policy, amendment of immigration and emigration laws to be in
line with new national and international developments, media (print,
electronic and social), amendment of the Muslim Marriage and Divorce
Act, empowerment of muslim civil society, non-governmental
organizations, amendment of the Waqf Act, stopping the registration of
political parties that are based on ethnicity and religion, issuance of
national identity cards that affirm a Sri Lankan identity, establishment
of a ministry for religious affairs that includes all
faith-communities, the conduct of religious schools and centers,
guidelines for the use of religious iconography, and Halal
certification, Why can’t this report be taken as a base document to
formulate relevant acts with ‘national security’ as the desired outcome?
The leaders of the political coalition
who pushed for this committee are silent. The government is silent. The
silence obviously doesn’t sit well with sections of all ethnic and
religious communities that are wary of extremism and suspect that
politicians are hedging bets with narrow political objectives in mind.
The
government is also cagey on the issue of burials, i.e. the disposal of
the bodies of Muslims who have succumbed to Covid19. The Government has
not spoken in one voice on this matter. No decision to allow burials,
Cabinet Spokesperson and Media Minister Keheliya Rambukwella said. It
will be allowed, opined Chamal Rajapaksa. A Muslim organization said
‘Justice Minister Ali Sabry said it will be allowed.’ Sabry did bring it
up in cabinet, but no such decision was taken. The President has
insisted that response to Covid-19 is framed by the advice given by
health professionals. Well, the health professionals can give a clear
determination on the matter without twiddling thumbs and indulging in
navel-gazing. They will have to take into consideration the science
which informed the decisions taken by other countries. For the record,
almost all countries have sanctioned burials. If issues of water
contamination are worrisome, then a way to circumvent the problem can be
found, not just for Muslims who died of Covid-19 but in the case of
anyone from any community whose family prefers internment to cremation.
The
sooner the better. Faith is a personal thing, yes. Faith sparks
emotion, more than reason. Fears need to be taken into consideration.
Science needs to drive decision-making. Above all, the thinking needs to
be logical and moreover communicated clearly, without ambiguity or
convoluted arguments. The onus is on the government.
Let’s
give the budget some play here. Once again, Harsha De Silva of the
Samagi Jana Balavegaya had to bat for the Opposition with regard to
foreign policy. Perhaps this is because he was associated with that
ministry during the previous regime; Mangala Samaraweera, the subject
minister, although he hasn’t retired his mouth, has retired or at least
taken a break from parliamentary politics.
De
Silva claims that the government has a confused foreign policy. Dinesh
Gunawardena didn’t do himself any favors by alluding to the non-aligned
concept. De Silva pounced on it. However, the degree and choice of
alignment in a complex international system was spelled out recently by
the President when he met the US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo: a)
friendly relations with all nations, b) China has been a long-time
friend, c) nothing will be done to jeopardize India’s national security
concerns, d) investment welcome more than aid. The President didn’t
speak on foreign policy during the budget debate obviously, but the
position should have been emphasized.
That
said, what are De Silva’s credentials when it comes to foreign policy?
Back in the day he spoke of ‘economic diplomacy’. It translated into
‘whatever Uncle Sam says.’ However, the Brexit Moment, so to speak,
brought this theory and application crashing to the ground. His former
boss said ‘We will look East.’ As though he had been sleeping for twenty
years!
De Silva claims that diplomacy is
about honesty, sincerity, civility and responsibility. That’s a
fairytale if ever there was one. In any case, such things were
non-existent in the foreign policy doctrine of the previous regime.
Servility on the other hand was observed as though it was an article of
faith. If his party had got it all right, how come nothing tangible
resulted?
De Silva speaks of servility
replacing meritocracy and ability. Servility or loyalty (if one wants to
be polite) does seem to be a key factor in diplomatic
appointments/promotions. The Yahapalana Government was no different
(which is not an excuse for the Gotabaya Rajapaksa regime to follow
suit). De Silva knows about the appointments of J.C. Weliamuna, Laka
Wickramatunga, A.S.P. Liyanage and Lalith Allahakkone among others, as
well as rubbishing seniority within the service in promotions. He knows
how sovereignty was compromised by Mangala Samaraweera via
co-sponsorship of Resolution 30/1.
Amazing how one's
skills, knowledge, competence and capacity to govern seem to increase
-as soon one leaves the government and sits in the Opposition. He knows
how low-ranking US civil servants were offered VIP treatment violating
all established protocol. Maybe he believes it is ‘civility.’
An
FB comment on De Silva is applicable to many in the Opposition including
those currently in the Government who once sat on that side of the
House: ‘Amazing how one's skills, knowledge, competence and capacity to
govern seem to increase -as soon one leaves the government and sits in
the Opposition.’
And this is another comment that says a lot
about diplomacy in general: ‘Sri Lanka’s ambassadors have no mandate to
serve the host nations interests. They have a duty to uphold ours. There
is nothing diplomatically great about begging and pleading big bullies
to keep us on their friends lists. His lack of reference to Sri Lanka’s
ties with any nation which doesn’t conform to capitalist models is
evidence that for De Silva a diplomatic win is only a win with the West.
All other victories are not worth talking about. This is also how
Colombo liberals think.’
In other matters that might have gone
under the radar, Russia has pledged to improve ties with Sri Lanka.
Sarath Weerasekera, who got the most number of preferential votes from
the Colombo District has been sworn in as the Minister of Public
Security.
More importantly, two ministries have been brought
under the purview of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. He will now handle
the subjects of Defense and Technology. Perhaps the President has
decided it is time to get things moving without allowing Covid-19 to bog
him down. A response system has been put in place, as mentioned above.
People with decent track records are in charge. He obviously trusts
their judgment. They will no doubt do the best they can given
constraints of a) resources, b) the need to balance response with
economic and social imperatives, c) the as yet unknown factors of how
the virus behaves. The President can and should take a break. His
leadership is required elsewhere now.
malindasenevi@gmail.com
This article was first published in the SUNDAY ISLAND (November 29, 2020)
