Showing posts with label Eran Wickramaratne. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Eran Wickramaratne. Show all posts

01 March 2020

Eran Wickramaratne would do well to reflect on John Chapter 8: 3-7


Eran Wickramaratne has ranted and raved about professionals and witch-hunts. He talks of allegations but his entire speech in Parliament on the subject is made of allegations. He condemns innuendo but that seems to be one of his key tools.  


The UNP MP begins by waxing eloquent about the Yahapalana regime protecting and cheering on professionals and professionalism quite as though that regime was on another planet. Cherry-picking allows you to do that. He would have us believe that there was no nepotism, not political patronage and no vindictiveness on the part of the Yahapalana regime. It’s as if he has forgotten the FCID, set up to harass and punish anyone and everyone associated with the previous regime. It is as though he has forgotten how the President his party helped into power appointed his brother to a key position and how the Prime Minister downwards handed out appointments to friends and family.

His entire argument is based on one official in the CID who had been appointed to that position by the Mahinda Rajapaksa government being allowed to remain. Then he extrapolates, absolutely blind to all removals and appointments done by the Yahapalanists clearly marked by the factor of political loyalty. He forgets that all transfers have to have the approval of the Police Commission. He forgets that the standing Police Commission was appointed when the Yahapalana regime was in power. He forgets how the Yahapalanists appointed a Prime Minister who had a minority parliamentary strength at the time and how this was done without removing the incumbent Prime Minister. He forgets how the Yahapalanists all but dragged out a sitting Chief Justice. He is one to talk of whims and fancies!!!! 

Now the innuendo of the Attorney General’s Department regarding the Swiss Embassy ‘abduction’ case is certainly disturbing. He is correct here. Three names have been mentioned. Krishantha Coorawy, Shani Abeysekera and Dharisha Bastian. Eran’s agitation is that way too much is being made over telephone calls. I agree. The Attorney General will have to come up with better evidence than ‘she called him soon after she called her and then he called that other person.’ For calls to indicate any hanky panky we need to know more about ‘when’ and ‘what’. Maybe such information is in the hands of the prosecutors but if so they are being cagey about it. In any event, singling out phone calls is certainly thin and in my book obnoxious. 

Eran, however, seems to have forgotten how the FCID grilled people over less. There’s more. He has not at any point in his speech talked about how the Swiss Embassy and the employee in question either deliberately lied or indulged in innuendo, casting aspersions on the new Government. He says nothing of how his party colleague Rajitha Senaratne uttered blatant lies about this ‘abduction’. Instead, Eran chooses to single out the prosecutors of this case and the investigators. Strange.  

Having laid the groundwork by leaving out a massive chunk of the story, Eran then ululates about Krishantha, Dharisha and Shani. He doesn’t mention that Shani is under a cloud, which of course does not mean he is guilty. He praises Krishantha, as I would and as I have, for his integrity. His most fervent objection has been about Dharisha. 

Yes, Dharisha is a journalist and has every right to call anyone to obtain information deemed useful for purposes of penning news reports. Indeed, as he points out, that’s a right all citizens have. Perhaps in order to raise her stature, Eran flags key elements of Dharisha’s Curriculum Vitae, including the fact that she is or was a stringer for the New York Times. In order to buttress the witch hunt claim, he throws in the fact of her diplomat husband, Gihan Indragupta, being recalled before his term in Geneva ends. 

Two things. First, we don’t know why Gihan was recalled. Secondly, would Eran dare tell us that career diplomats were given their heads, so to speak, by the ministers in charge of the foreign affairs subject during the Yahapalana administration? Were they allowed to be professionals or were they gagged? Were there no political appointments to various missions? 

If Gihan was recalled because he happened to be Dharisha’s husband, that’s wrong. We don’t know and we should not assume. That’s the crux of Eran’s thesis, after all. Allegations and innuendo are out of order, he tells us. He should not allege and throw shadows then, should he? 

Finally this man who has never once appealed to professionals to come to the aid of fellow professionals when the yahapalana regime ran roughshod over them is now begging them to do so because he alleges this government is treating professionals badly.  

Ok. He believes the Yahapalanists were saints. This means he’s been myopic for five years, then. But was he blind? Did Eran not make a strident speech in this very Parliament defending Arjuna Mahendran? Did he not at that point scream out that the man has not been found guilty? Why is he going overboard with allegation-gravy now, all of a sudden? Mahendran is yet to be found guilty but Eran has, in another recent speech, said that he’s ashamed that when he, Eran, was Head Prefect of Royal College, Mahendran was a prefect under him. Maybe he is just recovering his sight, so let’s forgive him.

However, we have to respond to his whine about professionals not standing up for fellow professionals. Professional camaraderie is not a bad thing. Friends stand by friends, even when they have done wrong. It’s not about condoning wrongdoing but understanding that a pal is not doing too good and being there as a friend. Not as an apologist. 

Dharisha Bastian is a journalist, as mentioned above. Her journalistic credentials are pretty thin. She operated in Lake House as though she was being paid by Sirikotha. Her narrative-machination with Lake House publications and the New York Times ought to be must-reads for journalism students in a course titled ‘how not to be a journalist.’ In short, it’s about planting a story (yes, not ‘news’ but politically motivated pieces full of twisted facts and yes, allegations treated as facts and innuendo). It’s about the New York Times (Surprise! Surprise!) repeating the same story a few months down the line. It’s about Lake House ‘picking up’ the New York Times story and going to town — ‘See, it’s the NYT, no less, that’s saying this, so there!’ 

That’s not journalism. I object to any individual or agency engaged in exaggeration and unfair extrapolation. I am not a fan of innuendo and allegations. For this reason, I have objected and will continue to object to Dharisha Bastian being denied the basic protection of innocence-presumption with respect to the Swiss ‘abduction’ case. On the other hand, why should I, as a journalist, come to the defense of someone who is a propagandist disguised as a journalist? I won’t say, for example, ‘She’s a journalist, so back off!’ I would say instead ‘it is wrong to tar her with the brushes of innuendo and allegation’.  Nothing more. Her profession and professionalism do not come into play because they are irrelevant for reasons elaborated on above. 

Eran is making a song and dance. He’s doing it at his convenience. He’s not consistent. He is as guilty of unfair characterization as those against whom he makes the very same charge. He’s out of order. And if journalists must defend journalists, lawyers must defend lawyers etc., etc., why didn’t Eran defend fellow politicians who his Government went after, while tossing out oodles of innuendoes and allegations? 

Eran is not just an MP. He’s a pastor. He would know about the Gospel According to John, chapter 8, verses 3–7 in the Authorized King James Version.

This article was published in the SUNDAY MORNING [February 23, 2020]

04 November 2016

The two Wickramaratnes and the learning curves of Yahapalanaya

Eran Wickramaratne has said the Government is ready to amend existing laws to enable the recovery of losses incurred in the controversial sale of Central Bank bonds.  This is good.  Some may talk of closing stable doors after horses have bolted, but then again, there are other horses that can bolt and if stable doors are weak or non-existent then they have to be strengthened or made anew as the case may be.  

The issue however is that new laws needed to have been contemplated when the committee to investigate allegations (made of friends, let’s not forget) released a report a year ago recommending further investigation into the activities of Perpetual Treasuries and the Bank of Ceylon.  We should not forget, also, that the report of the previous Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) was effectively squashed by the dissolution of Parliament last year.  Where that was a coincidence, we do not know.  Neither do we know if the movers and shakers of Perpetual Treasuries thumbed some bills into the election campaign kitty of the United National Party.  We do know that the television station CSN was shut down on the basis of an allegation that it was funded with ill-gotten bucks.  We know about the goose, the gander and sauce.  

One of the biggest problems of yahapalanaya or good governance is that it was a term that won currency with few even knowing the relevant substance.  Thus we saw a quick Rajapaksization (if you will) of the new Government.  We’ve seen enough of nepotism, kick-backs, wastage, self-aggrandizement, abuse of state resources etc. post January 2015 to wonder if the yahapalanists even know the A,B and C of yahapaalanaya. That said, the very fact of censure is a positive that even the staunchest supporters of the previous regime cannot ignore and must surely appreciate (if of course they are able to see beyond party political preferences).   Reform must be rehearsed for a long time before it becomes part of and indeed changes the political culture.  It is something that politicians and citizens both must learn and get used to.  

Eran’s pledge, though late (and the delay not necessarily unattended by suspicion), is noteworthy.  It is no secret that his party left no stone unturned to stymie the investigation and did its utmost to scuttle the report and as such we can’t really applaud Eran at this point.  

What’s important is to learn lessons and apply them to general practice.  What’s the lesson here?  First and foremost, it’s about process.  There should be a mechanism and an agreement to privilege process and not preferred outcome.  When ‘outcome’ is privileged it bleeds into process.  That’s politics, of course, but yahapalanya is by definition (and as per the rhetoric of the yahapalanists) about process rising above politics or, put another way, being free of political interference.  

That’s exactly what’s not happening with respect to the reconciliation-engineering chapter of the constitution-making book.  The authors are fixated with preferred outcome and therefore are knowingly or unknowingly corrupting and subverting the process.  There was, for example, an ardent devolutionist who was so alarmed by the outcome of a referendum in Colombia that he suggested a go-slow on constitutional reform that require endorsement by the people via a referendum.  He was terrified that the people might reject his preferred ‘solution’.  He was essentially acknowledging that reform was to be thrust down people’s throats and recommending sweeteners that could persuade lick and swallow.  If that’s the kind of thinking that is informing the reformists it is patently counter-democratic and is undoubtedly a recipe for a widening of fissures rather than their suturing.   

Going by the declarations of the big boy of the constitution-making drive, Jayampathy Wickramaratne, certain things are apparent.  Without the A of ‘examining grievance,’ the B of ‘assessing dimensions of grievance,’ the C of ‘disentangling grievance from aspirations,’ the D of ‘factoring in history, demography, economic sense,’ the E of assessing the match-levels of A, B, C and D with different proposals, what we are seeing is a propaganda drive for a ‘solution’ that has ignored all elements from A to Z.  

Now had the yahapalanists known enough yahapalana-basics to apply clean-up zeal to all things and not selectively (as they have done), practiced what they preached, nipped things in the bud, thought about a stitch in time saving nine and all that kind of thing, Eran Wickramaratne would not be in damage control and the Government would not be wasting so much time wiping the egg that they themselves have covered their faces with.  

It’s the same with constitution-making (with respect to ‘reconciliation’), only what’s at stake is certainly far more serious.  In the case of the Central Bank bond issue, we can say ‘there are other horses that need to and can be stopped from bolting’.  When it comes to laws that fundamentally order the structure of the state based on exaggerated grievance, unreasonable aspiration and rank disavowal of demographic and other realities, we are talking of a no-turning-back situation or rather a turn-back-only-after-much-violence kind of situation.  That’s not egg on someone’s face.  It’s blood on the ground and typically not the blood of constitution-makers.  

Eran Wickramaratne’s statement demonstrates movement along a learning curve.  Constitution-drafters could also learn and move.  As of now the only curves relevant are those about bending a road to suit preferences and a pernicious desire to reach a ‘nowhere’ that is being marketed as ‘somewhere’.  The learning curve of yahapalanaya is about progress on process and not the privileging of preferred outcome.  Eran Wickramaratne seems to be learning, Jayampathy Wickramaratne is not.

Read also: 
Words, deeds and devolution-fixations
First get the lines straightened out Jayampathy
The 'National Question' and the vague-speak of Tamil 'moderates'
President Sirisena has spoken (on Eelamist myth-mongering)!

Malinda Seneviratne is a freelance writer.  Twitter: malindasene.  Email: malindasenevi@gmail.com. This article was first published in the 'Daily Mirror' (November 3, 2016)


04 October 2015

It's not only about Daham being a Daddy-cared brat

Colombo Telegraph put it well: ‘President Maithripala Sirisena of Sri Lanka and President Alexander Lukashenko turned the UN General Assembly into a Daddy Daycare!’

Young Daham Sirisena should not have been part of the Sri Lankan delegation.  The uploading of the relevant photographs, the photo-editing ‘out’ of Daham and Daham’s disastrous damage-control exercise have been reported and commented on.  

The love of doting dads sometimes makes them forget lots of things.  For example the difference between right and wrong, the meaning of use and the meaning of abuse.  In this case we need not be surprised.  Sirisena (Snr) after all was all flushed and excited about having met an old lady called Elizabeth and a war criminal called David in London.  He just couldn’t stop talking about it.  It was ‘big’ for him.  Maybe New York and the UNGA was big too and maybe he wanted the little boy to see a bit of the world.  Understood.

But it is not new.  We have seen versions of the same sickness.  We saw spoilt brats of politicians operating as though the rest of the citizenry owed them a favor.  Brats were indulged.  In the case of Mahinda Rajapaksa it was all legal, but it left a bad taste in the mouth when Namal did his night race number.  Had Daham Sirisena wanted to turn the ‘weva-ravuma’ into a race track during President Rajapaksa’s time, the idea would have most likely been shot down.  From above.  

But it’s not new.  Chandrika Bandaranaike was put in charge of Land Reform by her mother even though she had no credentials to show by way of qualifications for the post.  Not illegal, though.  Not ‘wrong’ in the way that Daham’s joyride is ‘wrong’.  

But it’s not new.  Way back in the year 1978, I remember an event at Royal College which was ‘graced’ by the then Prime Minister Ranasinghe Premadasa.  As a member of the school choir, I was present.  The choir, like the Scout Troop, was called upon regularly to be present at school functions.

There we were, ready to sing the school song.  The Chief Guest walked in.  Ranasinghe Premadasa in national suit, neat as always.  He came with his wife and son.  Maybe the daughter was also there but I can’t remember.  Premadasa was accompanied on to the stage by the Principal, Mr L.D.H. Pieris.  Hema Premadasa following a few feet behind.

I noticed young Saith tagging along and distinctly remembered thinking that he would go find a seat somewhere in that vast assembly hall.  Sajith, at the time was a Grade 6 student at Royal College.  

I was both surprised and shocked to see the 12 year old boy following his parents and the principal on to the stage. ‘This is wrong,’ I told myself.

‘Wrong’ because Saith was a student of the same school and although there were no rules against it, students didn’t sit with the Principal on the stage.  The Principal did not object, perhaps because the Prime Minister was his guest.  It was not Saith’s fault but his father’s.  

I can’t remember if it was the same occasion, but there was an event organized by the Students Christian Movement (SCM) where again I was present for choir-duty.  Eran Wickramaratne was the President of the SCM at the time.  It was therefore his show.  He was also the Head Prefect of the school.  At the end of the ‘show’, he had to deliver the vote of thanks.  I can’t remember who was the MC that evening, but I remember the following: ‘Now I invite the Head Prefect of Royal College Eran Wickramaratne to deliver the vote of thanks’.  

Not wrong.  Not right either. If a group belonging to another religion had a similar event the Head Prefect would not be asked to deliver the vote of thanks.  Eran’s status obtained from his position in the SCM and not his prefecture.   The MC was probably careless and anyway it was a trivial matter.  But it is such trivialities that add up and give us things such as the Daham Sirisena Syndrome.    

On the 2nd of May, 1993 I was returning to Colombo from the Kirindi Oya settlement area after a field visit had to be cut short due to the assassination of President Premadasa the previous day.  I was with a team from the Agrarian Research and Training Institute (ARTI).  We were traveling in a green Pajero, a common brand in state institutions at the time.  Somewhere between Matara and Galle, we ran into a bit of traffic and had to slow down.  On our left, in an open space, some people were putting up flags.  One of them chided us: ‘ආණ්ŕ¶©ුŕ·€ේ ŕ·€ාහනයක් ŕ¶±ේŕ¶Ż?  ŕ¶…ŕ¶©ුම තරමිŕ¶±් ŕ¶šොŕ·… ŕ¶´ාŕ¶§ ŕ¶šොŕ¶©ිŕ¶şŕ¶š් වත් ŕ¶śŕ·„ŕ¶śෙŕ¶± ŕ¶şŕ¶±්ŕ¶±ේ ŕ¶±ැŕ¶­්ŕ¶­ේ ඇයි?’ [It’s a government vehicle isn’t it? Why can’t you have at least a green flag?].  

There is that kind of honest confusion.  State is Government, some think.  State is Party — that’s also assumed.  

So this is not just about Daham Sirisena being a Daddycared brat and an obnoxious one at that.  It is not about the President being incapable of seeing ‘wrong’ in his son (and daughter too, let us not forget) acting as a proxy of sorts, never mind anti-nepotism pledges.  It’s a problem that is resident in the general understanding of the political and the inevitable perversions that arise.