The truth and dare of presidents, presidencies and the presidential

If anyone has carefully read the Second Republican Constitution 1978, also known as the JRJ Constitution, he or she would conclude that it’s all about the Executive Presidency. If powers described in the Constitution is likened to a tree, the Executive Presidency is the root, the trunk, the branches, leaves, flowers, fruit and bark.  It was about centralizing power. It was dictatorial or put another way it was a constitution that was made to make dictators.  

So, since 1978 people have ranted and raved about the anti-democratic nature of the JRJ Constitution. ‘Draconian’ was a frequently used descriptive. The call was for its abolition. The promise of the various Oppositions was abolition. It was a promise that was made and forgotten.  

The 17th Amendment sought to prune presidential powers. The 18th effectively restored those ‘draconian’ powers. The 19th was tabled by a political coalition, the yahapalanists, that promised to abolish the Executive Presidency; it made some cosmetic changes, nothing more. Even today, as power vested in offices go, the presidency is where power is resident. It is the president, more than anyone else, who can cause the most amount of change with the least amount of effort. 

The preponderance of power in that office means that the President is directly or indirectly responsible for all wrongdoing. This is why J.R. Jayewardene, Ranasinghe Premadasa, Chandrika Kumaratunga and Mahinda Rajapaksa (D.B. Wijetunga’s tenure was an accident and short) are blamed for all the bad things that happened during their respective presidencies. By the same token, they deserve credit for whatever positives of the relevant periods.  

As such, President Premadasa is applauded for building houses, planting trees and the Janasaviya even as he is blamed for the worst two-year period of terror that Sri Lanka has suffered since Independence, the bheeshanaya of 1988-89. He is blamed even though it was his predecessor who planted its seeds through many undemocratic acts including the scandalous referendum of 1982, the rigging of the 1982 presidential election, attacks on workers and students, abuse of parliamentary majority to pass partisan legislation and so on.  

Kumaratunga’s reign was marked by ‘nothing-done’ and marred by the murder of a newspaper editor, shameless election malpractice and intimidation including the stripping of a woman.  

Rajapaksa’s case is more interesting. He did not have the ‘baggage’ that Premadasa had to contend with, in no small part because his predecessor did not disguise her absolute antipathy.  He started with a clean slate, then.  All wrongdoing during his tenure get credited to him and him alone, either on account of indulgence or else complicity or incompetence.  

His detractors called him a hawk. The ‘hawk’ was accused of purchasing LTTE support to win the election by stopping Tamils in LTTE-controlled areas from voting. The ‘hawk’ chose to ‘talk’ with the LTTE. The ‘hawk’ opted for a military offensive only after the LTTE attempted to assassinate the Army Commander.  During the tenure of the ‘hawk’ what his predecessors promised but could not deliver was achieved. The LTTE was militarily defeated. The war came to an end. 

The ‘hawk’ was by constitutional edict a dictator and he chose to exercise the dictatorial powers vested in his office, for good and bad.  Regardless, the ‘hawk’ by very dint of constitutional reality, deserves credit for defeating the LTTE. Those who vilify him for his excesses and wrongdoing under his watch, and of course benefit from the wiping out of terrorism, do not dare whisper ‘thank you’ even if they add ‘but, you also did this that and the other and therefore we think you are a terrible, terrible person and were a bad President’.  In Sinhala, we call it ‘kuhakakama’, roughly translatable as ‘hypocrisy’.

In other words, you can’t confer the karumaya while denying the urumaya. You can’t vilify and withhold the praise.  That’s hypocritical.  Hypocrisy, however, is one of the most prominent features of our political culture, so we need not be surprised or alarmed. It’s how things are, simply.

Now we have Maithripala Sirisena, who regardless of powers vested in his office decided that he would ‘share power’ with Ranil Wickremesinghe.  The one is politically tied, for better or worse, to the other. Crimes of omission and commission are therefore attributable to both; both the karumaya and the urumaya, although one would be strained to find things that could come under the latter.  

All this is history. Now, we are looking to 2020 or 2019 as the case could be. It’s the season for vilification. It’s hypocrisy season in full bloom.  Amusingly, it is those who ardently called for legislation to combat hate speech (a measure that would outlaw more than one book that certain religious communities swear by, by the way) who are indulging in all this.  

Out: innocent until proven guilty. In: vilification. Out: acknowledgment of accomplishment. In: praising non-performers. Out: brand-building of preferred choice (perhaps on account of there being certain things that are not in the realm of the possible). In: inadvertently raising the profile of the feared opponent through vilification, giving the ‘enemy’ a visibility free of charge. Out: all the ethics associated with Yahapalanaya. In: same old, same old.  Out: looking for a winnable candidate. In: silly attempts to do away with the office since victory is a hopeless proposition.  

Welcome to Sri Lanka, land of liberal double-speak, nation of uncivilized charlatans who are loathe to look at the mirror.  At the end of the day, we still have a made-to-make-dictators constitution.  Let’s just enjoy the spectacle of pots and kettles trying to convince they are white-as-snow spotless.      

Malinda Seneviratne is a freelance writer. malindasenevi@gmail.com. Twitter: malindasene. 

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National Lists 2001: When CBK and RW both got F's

No, this is not the kind of place that immediately comes to mind when there's talk of 'National List' but still...

This article was published 'The Island' on November 9, 2011, a few days before the General Election which gave Ranil Wickremesinghe his second stint as Prime Minister.  It was titled "A refugee camp called 'The National List'" and was part of a series titled 'Transcripts from the campaign trail'.  Re-posting in the context of the current horse deals over slots in the National List.  

When proportional representation was introduced, JRJ inserted an interesting mechanism called the "National List" whereby each party (given that they have polled a minimum number of votes) gets to nominate "eminent" persons in accordance to the proportion of votes polled nationally. The idea was to ensure that there would be professionals and other respectable and capable persons who are reluctant to get involved in the dirty game of campaigning. Implicit in this logic is the fact that the vast majority yielded by the "normal course" are incompetent and notorious and more than ready to engage in the low down and dirty, which includes mudslinging, arson, physical assault, rigging and murder. Sad.

Actually, if not for "National Lists", the PA would have been hard pressed to come up with a working cabinet, that is one which would look respectable. It is hard to see people like Prof. G.L. Peiris, Lakshman Kadirgamar, and Prof. Wiswa Warnapala willing to take to the streets just to get the vote. Sure, come October 2000, some of them took off their gloves, but then again one can safely say that 6 years is long enough for "gentlemen" to acquire a taste for the gloves-off and let-fly world of election campaigns. The problem is that even with these luminaries, the PA did precious nothing to solve the burning problems of the people. If at all, it made things worse. 

Of all these people I feel sorry only for poor Mr. Kadirgamar. He has a difficult brief to defend. To his credit, he has chosen the best course of action: "hands-off". We can only hope that whoever is in power after December 5th, might do well to consider keeping him on as Foreign Minister. 

JRJ is long gone and his constitution is in deep trouble. And a quick at the various "National Lists" show that they are hardly used for the purposes they were advocated in the first place. Champika Ranawaka of the Sihala Urumaya describes the national lists of some parties as "anathagara" or orphanages. Actually, these people are hardly babies in need of moms and dads. It is probably ages since the last traces of the kiri suwanda was wiped off their mouths. The correct term, I believe, is "refugee camp". For power politics, just as it drives ordinary people into poverty, turns politicians into refugees. And at a time when people are ready to de-camp at the drop of a hat, it is indeed fortuitous that JRJ had provided this "refugee camp" clause for our political saranagathayas. 

Ever since that ominous thing called "hung parliament" entered our political landscape, we have had jittery politicians itching to jump ship. In order to effect parliamentary coups, those from the opposite camps are aggressively canvassed and even bought over with all kinds of promises including through straightforward cash-on-the-table offers. Naturally, party leaders have to keep these high-jump artists happy. They also have to make sure that party loyalists are not side-lined, for the disgruntled can very well parachute over to the other side. Cabinet portfolios is seen as the most lucrative "package". 

A "hung parliament" probably evokes the most amount of joyous whoops from racist minority parties. We had Rauff Hakeem making outrageous demands; ministers, deputy ministers, corporations and even ambassadorships were extracted from a poverty-stricken PA leadership. Thonda, as always, made his deal. So did Douglas Devananda. Ferial played her cards well. 

"Defectors" are a different kettle of fish. They typically lack wide scale public backing. They do, however, have immense symbolic worth. When Chandrika’s No. 1 bad-mouthing pal crosses over to the UNP, it demoralises the PA. So much so that the entire state-media is employed to vilify the man. When right-hand man GL moves further right and is appointed as spokesman for the UNF, it is worse. I don’t believe either of these men or anyone else will draw a significant number of PA votes into the UNP fold, but they look "good" on paper, especially in the envious eyes of the PA, tinted as they are by the harsh and dirty truths of power games. SB after all, helped them win last time. 

How are defectors to be rewarded? First of all, it has to be remembered that they are cry-babies. They want to latch on once more to money-yielding schemes. They want to suckle on the national treasury. They have to be given ministries. So, where defectors have a good chance of being rejected by the voters, they have to be brought in through the back-door which carries the sign "National List". There are other cry babies; i.e. those who lose out to the defectors when it comes to the appointment of district/electorate organisers. They start wailing and the only sooppuwa that can stop them is again a place in the National List. 

The UNP national list is made up of minority kappang karayo and ex-PA Ministers. For the most part. Sixteen out of the twenty nine belong to minorities. Anyone still saying the Sinhalese are a bunch of hegemonists? This is the United NATIONAL party, remember? Aren’t the Sinhalese a part of the nation? Don’t they deserve some "proportional representation"? Maybe the UNP wants to appear more appealing to the minorities. The problem is that they have effectively dissolved their voter base among the Tamils and Muslims and operated so that they will vote with the Tamil and Muslim parties respectively. The funny thing is that this does not mean that the UNP is a Sinhala party either, for it is now for all practical purposes held hostage by the Tamils and Muslims. 

SB and GL, the most prominent of political refugees have been accommodated in the UNP National List. I hope they are getting enough dry rations. 

The PA is no better. Their minority percentage is better, just 11 out of 29. They too have some saranagathayas. Kingsley Wickramaratne, rejected outright by the voters last October, now has a "safe" seat. Ronnie, the perennial high-jumper has probably run out of steam. Safe. Batty Weerakoon, bankrupt Trotskyite and shameless defender of PA trash has once again wormed his way into the National List. Good for him. He can tell his handful of ill-informed and ideologically sterile loyalists that Trotskyism is alive! D.M. Jayaratne can relax. He won’t have to get into fisticuffs or shoot-outs with Anuruddha Ratwatte in the Kandy District. A "safe" ride into the 12th parliament. 

The JVP, on the other hand, wins my respect. They have never suffered pain of mind on account of nominations. The party hierarchy decides. Period. Undemocratic or less democratic as this may seem, it prevents internal splits and effectively counters the unfortunate political reality of money increasing the possibility of winning. They have a national list of "unknowns". I am sure that any one of them will outshine anyone who comes to parliament through the PA or the UNP. In the very least, they will be motivated ideologically and by loyalty to the party rather than money or position. No refugees here.

As National Lists go, the Sihala Urumaya is clearly streets ahead of the rest, in terms of going with the spirit in which they were first proposed. It is full of academics and professionals who have excelled in their respective fields. That they have managed to attract so many people of proven competence, especially after the much publicised "split" when S.L. Gunasekera left the party, is victory enough. In the very least it indicates that there are good people who hold principle higher than power, whether or not you may agree with their ideology. And like the JVP, there are no refugees here.

People have some control over who gets elected. "Some" as in "a teeny weeny bit" in these days of outright rigging. We have no control over refugees and parachutists. Sadly, these refugees end up with key ministries and it is they who determine which of us gets thrown in the streets, or with a knife in the back. Some checks and balances are in order, I think. I am thinking that these will not come out from the hypocrisy that is the democratic system we have been saddled with.

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Chandrika the Bomb

A question was asked from the former president, Mahinda Rajapaksa, during his final breakfast meeting with media heads last year.  ‘Who is your real opponent, Maithripala Sirisena, Ranil Wickremesinghe or Chandrika Kumaratunga?’  He did not hesitate in responding: ‘Chandrika!’

This became lead story in all newspapers the following day.  The headline in almost all newspapers was ‘Chandrika is my real opponent!’ or else versions of that same line.  What happened next is interesting.  

The Maithripala Sirisena campaign quietly sidelined Kumaratunga.  It must be remembered that it was this lady who flanked Sirisena when he announced his presidential bid.  Many who were close to Candidate Sirisena expressed the view that she did more harm than good.  Her entire speech was full of invective and littered with revenge-intent, quite in contrast to the campaign theme (Maithree-Paalanayak or ‘Compassionate Governance’).  Perhaps it was hard to flush the bad news down the toilet at the time, but Rajapaksa’s assertion tipped the scales, so to speak.  She was essentially restricted to Gampaha.  The fact that she could not even deliver the ‘ancestral seat’ of Attanagalla speaks volumes of her political worth.

On the other hand, after declaring that she was his true opponent, Rajapaksa focused on attacking Sirisena.  Had he succeeded in turning it into a Mahinda vs CBK affair, he may have fared better, one can speculate.  

The fact is Chandrika is bad news for whoever she supports.  It is fashionable these days to tag ‘corruption’ to anything associated with the Rajapaksas.  Yes, not just corruption but thuggery, abuse of power etc., etc.  It makes sense if it is a matter of defeating a Rajapaksa-led coalition of course, but if one stands back and does not pretend to have been born after 2005 then one must concede that the dark days began long before Mahinda Rajapaksa became President.  

Not only did Chandrika do nothing of significance during the 11 years she was President, her reign was marked by absolute incompetence in managing the economy (Ranil frequently said that he inherited a negative-growth-economy in 2001), unprecedented election violence (remember the Wayamba Provincial Council Election?), political victimization, harassment and murder of journalists (remember the ‘Satana’ editor, Rohana Kumara?) and of course a cluelessness about dealing with the LTTE.  

Victor Ivan called her චෞර රැජින (‘Chaura Regina’ or ‘Thieving Queen’).  Diehard UNPers and even the holier-than-thou JVP would feel embarrassed to talk about the CBK-days, but a short visit to the National Archives would help unearth all they had to say about the lady before Ranil and Anura Kumara Dissanayake saw her as ally as per the classic thesis ‘my enemy’s enemy is my friend’.

Political parties have to weigh merits against demerits.  There are costs and these are checked against possible benefits.  This is why, perhaps, Sirisena came to the party almost clinging to Chandrika’s sari-pota and this is also why he dispatched the lady to Horagolla not long afterwards.  He would have sensed that she is a liability.  He probably was savvy enough to figure out that what politicians might forget (and forgive) the electorate may not.  

Today, more than six months after the Presidential Election, the euphoria of the ‘venasa’ (change) is but a distant memory.  Sirisena came with promises.  The delivery van after some hopeful spluttering came to a halt not too long after.  His ‘abdication speech’ essentially delivered the SLFP vote base to the man he ranted about and whose defeat he sorely needs, Mahinda Rajapaksa.  The UNP might believe that the January 8 result (and all the votes) were green in color, but that’s wishful thinking.  The flak for all that was not done after January 8 (20th Amendment, Right to Information Act, Code of Conduct for MPs) and what was done (the Central Bank bond scam) got credited nevertheless to Ranil Wickremesinghe’s party simply because Sirisena took a back seat during the period.  So when Ranil says ‘Chandrika will return and some bombs will explode’ he is showing desperation.

There are bombs that Chandrika can explode.  She did toss some grenades (as we mentioned) and they almost wrecked Sirisena’s face.  This time, if we go by her now obvious party preferences, she will be exchanging pleasantries with Ranil at every turn.  No prizes for guessing who is likely to get hurt.  The point is, Chandrika does not carry bombs with her.  She doesn’t need to.  She’s one.  

Politics in Sri Lanka, then, is a strange game.  For years, Ranil was Mahinda’s best friend and vice versa.  Chandrika could have been Mahinda’s best friend but he didn’t market it right, as explained above.  Ranil needed Mahinda to split the SLFP and perhaps this is why he was slothful in investigating the wrongdoings of the previous regime.  It didn’t help that his buddies were busy making bucks using connections of course but that’s another story.  Sirisena and Ranil were friends and still are one supposes, but Sirisena in trying to affirm loyalties played into Mahinda’s hands.  

Chandrika thought Sirisena was a friend and believed that he would somehow ensure that Mahinda would not get nominated.  He read it all wrong.  She was peeved.  She left in a huff.  Ranil thinks Chandrika is a friend and has been since Mahinda effectively turned her from a Somebody into a Nobody in 2005, but she is his worst enemy.  

One thing about her, though.  She adds color.  She makes things interesting. It’s more fun when she’s around than when she’s absent.  

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Maithripala Sirisena and the ‘Chandrika Option’

On November 4, 2003, then President of Sri Lanka, Chandrika Kumaratunga took over three key ministries from the ruling United National Party.  The Defence, Interior and Media portfolios were handed over to MPs belonging to her party.  The move effectively led to a governance crisis that in turn precipitated dissolution of Parliament a couple of months later.  

What is important here as that when Chandrika seized these ministries she had lost governing legitimacy because her party had been ousted at the 2001 Parliamentary election.  The LTTE was controlling vast swathes of the North and East.  There was no security to talk of.  The economy was in a mess with negative growth recorded at the time of elections.  Nine years after being first elected (with a record majority), her popularity was at its lowest, few would disagree.  

And yet, she did it.  The people didn’t mind as evidenced by the result in the April 2004 Parliamentary election when the UNP was routed.  You can blame that on the UNP’s track record with respect to how Ranil Wickremesinghe chose to deal (or not deal, rather) with the LTTE.  The popularity of the move notwithstanding, Kumaratunga’s ability to do it and get away with it draws in part from the powers vested in the office of the President.  There’s a lesson here.

Maithripala Sirisena, after the 19th Amendment, is not as powerful as Chandrika was when she was President.  He is far more popular than she was in November 2003, however.  Even after the 19th Amendment, he is still the most powerful individual in the country.  He can easily alter the political course, amend the political equation, trip those who think they are riding high, pull up those  who seem to have fallen and do a lot more besides.  

Right now the United National Party is keen on elections to the point that they wouldn’t even mind sacrificing electoral reforms.  Right now, those aligned with former president Mahinda Rajapaksa are also calling for a quick election.  Their logic stems from the fact that elections under proportional representation would deliver something more than would a first past the post affair.  The key figures of the ‘Mahinda Camp’ would probably return to Parliament.  Whether they would do better than an SLFP-led coalition one cannot tell, but the split would in all likelihood see the UNP securing the most seats.  

If Maithripala Sirisena was ever serious about electoral reform (he did deliver on pruning the powers of the executive president, we must remember), then he has to understand that the 20th Amendment (electoral reform) has to be passed by this parliament.  Leaving it for a future parliament amounts to bidding farewell to electoral reform in the foreseeable future.  If he wants the 20th Amendment passed, then he has to move as Chandrika did.  No, he doesn’t have to pickpocket ministries from Ranil.   Maithripala has a mandate that is fresh.  He has given Ranil a free hand and Ranil has abused it, but that’s more blemish on Ranil than on Maithripala.  

He needs the UNP to get the 20th passed.  He can make the UNP support the 20th by whispering ‘Remember what Chandrika did on November 4, 2003?’  If he dumps the UNP and appoints a new cabinet, the UNP stands to lose a lot in a subsequent election, provided that Sirisena takes a firmer grip on things in his own party.  The no-confidence motion against the Prime Minister that the Mahinda Camp has submitted to the Parliament Secretary will be a thorn but it is easily removed.  The ‘Chandrika-Style’ is as easily applicable to the UPFA MPs as it is to the UNP.  

Maithripala Sirisena is the leader of the SLFP.  He is the Executive President.  There’s a lot he can do.  He can do nothing too.  His choice.  He will be judged either way.  

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Post-Mahinda Crime Probe: Let’s begin from 1994

Of all that is pernicious in all resolutions tabled in the UNHRC against Sri Lanka the most scandalous and disgusting perhaps is limiting investigations calls for to the last few months of the war.  We are talking about a conflict that dragged for almost three decades.  We are talking about a couple of hundred thousand killed.  One life cannot be less valuable than another.  One murder cannot be more despicable than another.  The grief of one mother cannot be less than that of another mother.  The same goes for fathers, children, lovers and friends who grieve. 

We are reminded of this monstrous ‘logic’ today when there’s a call for the Mahinda Rajapaksa regime and wrongdoers therein being held responsible for wrongdoing; a call for a full investigation on numerous allegations.  Now, as someone said ‘compassion’ (maithree) is all good but this does not mean that wrongdoing  and wrongdoers should go uninvestigated and unpunished respectively.  Strangely, though, Champika Ranawaka of the Jathika Hela Urumaya who spearheaded Maithripala Sirisena’s campaign and was clearly the most articulate critique of the regime on all counts including corruption has picked a period, 2004-2014.  This is arbitrary and worse it smacks of witch-hunting. 

True, it is the regime that was defeated that is under scrutiny.  True, investigation of corruption charges was a key theme of the Sirisena campaign and it can be concluded that people did vote for such an inquiry.  Corruption and wrongdoing on the other hand could not have begun in November 2004.  We are after all talking about a constitution and institutional arrangement that made for abuse and pilfering in a large scale as well as a culture of impunity that was well and truly made use of by many who wielded power for decades but especially since 1977.  Bheeshanaya (terror) and dhooshanaya (corruption) let us not forget were charges leveled by those in the opposition at least since the 1988 Presidential Election.   They had currency. 

Some might claim that the bheeshana-dhooshana levels of the past 10 years were unprecedented, but they would be those who have short memories considering what happened in 1988-89 and towards the tail end of Chandrika Kumaratunga’s first term (before her wings were clipped by the Parivasa arrangement with the JVP, the 17^th Amendment and the brief UNP Government of 2001-2004). 

We cannot go to Year Dot.  This is clear.  However, since those who were charged (but not investigated) are still around and since this Government has come to clean up, so to speak, we should start at least from 1994 which is when coalitions led by the SLFP first came to power.  Most importantly it includes the period 2001-2004 when the UNP held sway.  If there’s going to be change, it must be underlined by wholesomeness, not revenge-intent.

Today we have a President who is also the Chairman of the main party of the coalition led by the opponent he defeated.  All those who supported ‘the corrupt regime’ have now pledged allegiance to President Maithripala Sirisena.  He has as his key coalition partner, the United National Party, which too is not exactly a party of saints.  One of his key backers was ex President Chandrika Kumaratunge, a person described as Chaura Regina (The Thieving Queen). 

It is good to clean up.  It is necessary to investigate.  It is non-negotiable that the constitution and institutional arrangement be reformed so that corruption can be stumped.  Mark it with ‘vengeance’ and we can shed all illusions about this regime being ‘better’ (forget ‘compassionate’).    Bring to book the crooks of the previous regime by all means, but let other crooks go free and you would be doing a great disservice to those who voted for ‘change’. 

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‘Resolution’ is never obtained by myth-modelling, misnaming and mischief

Today, post-election, post-Mahinda and a marked absence of devolution and resolution talk, the focus is on good governance, constitutional reform and correction of flawed institutional arrangement. Other issues will surface, sooner or later.  Good to be alert to the non-said or less-said about 'resolution'.  This was first published in the Daily Mirror four years ago, on January 4, 2011. 

Harim Peiris, spokesperson for Chandrika Kumaratunga from 2001-2005, in an article titled ‘Rahul Gandhi, the UN and US express concern about Sri Lanka’ (Daily Mirror of December 30, 2010), has argued that when friends raise issues they need to be taken seriously.  He is correct.  We need to listen to friends. 

In this case however the friendship credentials of Gandhi (as or not as proxy for India – he’s just an MP), the USA and UN are pretty thin, all things considered and are of the contractual kind or worse, the mas raaththala (pound of flesh) type, not forgetting of course a manifest hypocrisy when it comes to these ‘concerns’.  These are not hands-without-blood folks we are talking about and indeed the crimes against humanity they are guilty of by omission and commission make the concerns expressed regarding Sri Lanka (much of it unsubstantiated allegation and not fact) sound rather silly.  In short, Peiris is not making much of a point. 

What is really intriguing about his article is the slipping in of two very serious caveats that are so unrelated to the title of his article that one must conclude that this and not the expressed and commented on ‘concerns’ are what really concerns him. 

Here’s the first: ‘A political solution to the ethnic problem should be found within a united Sri Lanka enabling the Tamil people to participate in their own governance in the North and East. Implementing the 13th amendment is an important first step.’

What is this fascination about the 13^th Amendment?  Is he saying that it needs to be implemented because it is part of the constitution?  That’s legitimate but pray tell us which part of the 13^th is yet to be implemented and what is to be gained by implementing such sections in terms of the stated intent, ‘solution to ethnic problem’.  Police powers?  De-merger?  To resolve what part of this so-called problems? 

First of all, if it is about implementing articles of the constitution, it implies an unholy conclusion that the constitution is somehow error free.  That would involve a cheering of the 18^th Amendment.  To the extent that these are not entities cast in stone and are not error-free it is beholden on the discerning commentator to point error and offer recommendation.  The 13^th, now, was a solution that was thrust down the throats of the citizenry in the most undemocratic manner possible (by Rahul’s father, no less, with the happy consent of the UNP regime of the time).  It sought to resolve articulated grievances which included unsubstantiated claims on territory based on concerted myth-mongering. 

The 13^th ignored demographic realities (53% of Tamils live outside the North and East).  If Police Powers can resolve identity-based citizenship anomalies then Peiris must dreat the fate of all Tamils living outside the North and East.  It is a white elephant (66% of monies go to cover administrative costs) and goes against the grain of current thinking on regional development.  Developing regional economic hubs is discarded old-hat.  If the spirit is implemented to the letter then the Western Province can say ‘to hell with Uva’ and keep for itself its over 70% of the national income. 

‘United Sri Lanka’ did he say?  Not ‘unitary’?  Does ‘unitary’ necessarily rebel against ‘unity’?  ‘First step’ did he say?  What’s the ‘second step,’ pray?  And the ‘third’?  When he says ‘Tamils should govern themselves’ he is a) demanding regional ethnic ‘enclaving’, b) seeking to legitimize the ‘exclusive traditional homeland’ myth and c) seeking to resurrect the LTTE’s ISGA (Internal Self-Governing Authority) proposal (yes, as ‘first step (to Eelam)’!).   The 13^th was a travesty on all counts and it has ‘legitimacy’ only in terms of its utility value for self-seeking politicians.  Peiris cannot say the 18^th is ‘great’ and if ‘un-greatness’ requires revisiting legislation and seeking amendment, then the 13^th too needs to be similarly investigated.     

Here’s the second slip-in: ‘The real issue is why the government of Sri Lanka is stonewalling on addressing these issues. The influence of a handful of majoritarian ethno religious nationalists should not be allowed to prevent the essential reconciliation measures that are needed in the post war period.’

He forgets that he was spokesperson to the most rabidly anti Sinhala, anti Buddhist leader in post independence Sri Lanka.  At that time, a handful of racist, chauvinistic, minoritarian separatists were embraced by his boss and they convinced her that not only could the LTTE be militarily defeated but that they held the moral high ground in the matter of inter-ethnic antagonisms. The kind of reconciliation she tried to push through would have legitimized a myth, heightened such antagonisms and put a terrorist in control of two-thirds the coast and one third the land mass of the nation.  She had her day. So did Peiris.  Lost out.  This is nothing but the while of kids who have lost their toys. 

The demise of the LTTE and the reduced circumstances of Eelamsits in all garb are not celebrated by just these so-called ‘handful of majoritarian ethno religious nationalists’ (whoever they happen to be and whether or not they deserve such tags). The majority of the people voted against the ideologies that dominated the political discourse when Peiris was in and out of the then President’s office.  Sure, they were convinced by the ideas propagated by a handful of people, but that is always the case in the matter of turning idea into ideology and mobilizing people on such basis.  Reconciliation is good and of paramount import.  Had we gone the way Peiris’ heroes wanted us to go we would not be terrorism-free today.  There would not have been resolution. 

We are not ‘resolved’ yet, sure, but we have the territory cleared for engagement in meaningful ways.  ‘Development’ won’t do it. Necessary but not sufficient, as they say.  It has to begin with examination of grievance (real, not imagined and not fluffed and frilled on account of political expediency).  A good place to start is history.  We could throw in demographic realities.  These are not things that the Harim Peirises of the federalist lobby were ever interested in discussing or debating. Instead they slip-in preferred outcome in de-contextualised and mischievous ways.  Does not help.

Malinda Seneviratne is the Editor-in-Chief of 'The Nation' and can be reached at msenevira@gmail.com

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Maithripala and Chandrika discuss campaign strategy

Pic courtesy www.nation.lk

If it is rumored that former president Chandrika Kumaratunga was instrumental in getting Maithripal Sirisena to take on Mahinda Rajapaksa, the lady’s thinly disguised treatment of the candidate as though he was a serf in her ancestral estate almost turns it into fact.  If that were the case then Maithripala should be grateful.  For now.  After all, he’s earned more brand-points over the last few weeks than he has accumulated over the last 40 plus years in active politics in the SLFP.  If he loses, then he can’t exactly say ‘thank you, madam.’  He might think to himself, ‘I should have said, “thank you madam, but no”.’  But that’s all conjecture. For now. 

Right now, in a parallel universe, Maithripala goes to see Chandrika (yes, not the other way about) to discuss the status of the campaign.  Here’s the transcript of the animated discussion. 

‘Good morning Madam,’ Maithripala was habitually respectful.  He didn’t sit down until Chandrika said ‘Sit, sit…let’s talk.’

He sat. Waited. Respectfully.  Chandrika was bubbling with enthusiasm.

‘Mahinda is finished!’

‘There’s still a long way to go Madam,’  Maithripala was seasoned enough to know that it’s not over until it is over and wondered why his former boss was acting like a first time candidate for a Pradeshiya Sabha.

‘Oh! I know, I know.  But the other day I finished him off.  I took away his brag about winning the war!’

Maithripala remembering that in the press conference held to announce his presidential bid he had paid a glowing tribute to Mahinda Rajapaksa for his leadership in ridding the country of terrorism, looked at Chandrika without betraying incredulity but still showing a bit of skepticism.  It took a fraction of a moment, too quick for Chandrika to notice.  She went on. And on. And on. 

‘I said what everyone knows.  I said that I reclaimed 75% of LTTE-held areas while I was President.  I said that I never bragged about it.  I said I never put up huge cut-outs of myself or took credit for this victory.  You see Maithree, when I say I reclaimed 75% territory it sounds like I did 75% of the work and people will think Mahindaya had to do only 25%.  So he can’t make any claims about winning the war.  This is how you must to politics.   You must tell the truth but perhaps not the whole truth.  The balance will be added by others!’

‘But Madam, how about Alimankada?’

‘Tosh.  What’s the difference between Alimankada and Pamankada?’

‘Pooneryn, Mullaitivu?’  Maithripala couldn’t hide the incredulity now.

‘Just names.  Details.’

‘How about demoralizing the troops with your various peace carnivals, caravans etc?’

‘You see Maithree, you are new to this game.  In politics you never know how things could end.  It is good to keep options open.  So I did both.  I asked the generals to fight even as I asked Mangala and my NGO friends like Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu and Jehan Perera to make a big song and dance about how the war couldn’t be won.  If we won, I would get the credit. If we didn’t then I can say “I listened to the voice of reason!” Easy!’

‘You didn’t win.  And you didn’t get any peace either, Madam.’

‘I did my best,’ Chandrika snapped, a tad annoyed.  ‘I tried to appease.  Remember PTOMs?  Remember promising to lease out the North and East to Prabhakaran for 10 years?’

‘In other words conceding the 75% and offering three times as much?’ Maithripala was sounding a bit Presidential all of a sudden.

‘My! My! My! ගෙම්බෙක් උඩ ගිය තරමක් (Look how high a frog has jumped)!’ Chandrika said testily, but recovered enough composure to change the subject.  ‘Anyway, you must admit that I was spot on about election malpractices, huh?’ 

Maithripala didn’t reply.  He thought to himself.

‘She’s obviously forgetting the Wayamba Provincial Council.  She’s forgetting a lot of things.  She’s also forgotten that I said categorically that “computer jilmart” is not possible.  There’s obvious abuse of state resources during a campaign and that given ruling party candidates a big advantage. There’s also intimidation of people who are believed to be loyal to the opponent, but nothing serious happens to the votes, ballot boxes etc.’

Aloud, he said, ‘Madam, I think you have made your point.  You said it loud and clear.  About the war, about election malpractices, fraud and nepotism.  Madam, I think you’ve done more than we expected.  I came here to thank you from the bottom of the heart.  Madam, I think you should rest now.  Leave it to us, we can manage it from here onwards.’

‘Thanks so much Maithree,’ Chandrika beamed and added, ‘Yes, I’m exhausted.  I think I’ve done my part and now it’s all up to you.  I will rest a bit.  I want to be fully rested and ready to roll when you win.  I can’t wait to become leader of the SLFP again.  People wrote me off, but they are wrong.  Ruling this country is my birthright.  Thanks to you, I will return to power.  Then we’ll see!’

‘Of course Madam.  You will get your නිසි තැන (suitable position).’ Maithripala said.  Straight face. 

Chandrika swallowed it.  Maithripala bowed with perfect deference.  Left.

 

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Mahinda and Maithripala compare headaches

Everyone talks about the candidates.  The candidates themselves talk about each other.  In a parallel universe they actually talk WITH each other.  And so we ‘heard’ Mahinda Rajapaksa comparing notes with Maithripala Sirisena.  It was almost as though each was discussing an election that the other was contesting.

‘How are things going, Maithri?’ Mahinda opened with a question.

‘You know how it is, Janadhipathithumani…’ Maithri began but was cut short.

‘Call me Mahinda, otherwise I will have to call you “Apekshakathuma,” and that would be funny all things considered,’ Mahinda explained.

‘Didn’t Chandrika Methiniya call you “Apekshakathuma” way back in 2005?’ Maithri asked but Mahinda, true to form, dodged.

‘Let me tell you something.  Even if she called you “apekshakathuma,” she won’t mean it that way.  In her head she would probably be thinking, “gon naamba”.   I am pretty sure that’s how she saw me.  I saw her seeing me and I suggest that you do too.’

‘And what of Ranil?’

‘A good man.  You need him.  He has ambitious, but don’t we all?  But he’s a pragmatist.  He knows what’s possible and what’s not.  He can help you.  In fact I think his help is vital.  As long as he thinks that at the end of the day he can trick you into transferring the people’s mandate to him, he will back you 100%.  If not, he will still support you, but will hold back.’ 

‘I see.  So how are things going at your end?’

‘Good.  I am the incumbent, don’t forget.  And as long as Chandrika looks like the one holding the strings, all I have to do is compare her track record with mine.’ 

‘But what if we drop her?’

‘That would be a blow, to tell you the truth.  But you see Maithri, this is about one candidate, not a party or a cabinet of ministers.  People may hate some of my ministers, they might be upset that I didn’t get rid of thugs and thieves, but they still see me a strong leader, the person who brought peace, the president who made sure that young people won’t join the army only to die or come home without limbs or eyes.  All I have to do is smile.’

‘That’s true.  So you are confident?’

‘Maithri, even if I was not, I will not show it.  The thing about being a presidential candidate is that you have to act like you are in control, even if you are not.’

‘It’s not easy,’ Maithri confessed.

‘Yes, I know.  It was the same for me in 2005.  Everyone wants to use you.  Everyone thinks that you can be made a pawn.  And then the egos!’

‘Oh yes!  They think that I would be nothing if not for them.  All of them think that.  How did you manage to handle things in 2005?’

‘I played along.  People with big egos are vain.  Vanity is an easy vice to prey on.  Let them think whatever they want to think.  Just remember that in this game there is only one winner.’

‘You mean like how we tell people that they are kings and queens until the polls close and after that they have to come crawling to us?’  Maithri was a quick learner and it showed.

‘Exactly!’

‘So, any predictions?’

‘Maithri, I will win.  But don’t worry.  After I win, I will make a long speech about you.  See, you are not Sarath Fonseka.  I will take care of you.  After all, we are old friends.  And we are both SLFPers.’

‘That’s nice to know.  I am also convinced I will win.  But don’t worry.  I will also make a long speech and tell the nation that you, of all people, is deserving of the people’s gratitude.  I might even add that you did things no one thought possible and which your predecessors didn’t have the guts to do.’

‘You might annoy Chandrika!’  Mahinda guffawed.

‘I won’t say it now.  This is in my acceptance speech!’  Maithri winked. 

And they embraced.     

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The Chandrika-Ranil Talks

This happened a couple of weeks ago.  In a parallel universe.  Just got the transcript.  Here’s the background: Chandrika Kumaratunga and Ranil Wickremesinghe were discussing the presidential election, possible candidates, likely coalition partners and what not.  It was early morning (that’s 11 am for CBK). She sipped tea.  Ranil had black coffee.  They didn’t exactly talk about old times. 

‘I want my party back!’ CBK was forthright. 

‘You mean you want to party?’ Ranil chuckled. 

‘You know what I mean.  I want Maithri to win.  Once that happens and the executive presidency is scrapped, I can contest.  I can take over the party.’

‘Ambitious, ambitious!’ Ranil pointed out, and elaborated, ‘it doesn’t work that way, haven’t you read the constitution?  Let’s say Maithri wins.  On the 8^th of January he is just another candidate, on the 9^th he will be Executive President.  He will call the shots.  You will see every little twerp in the SLFP including those who are with Mahinda falling at Maithri’s feet.  Why on earth should they even bother about you?’

‘Because I am a Bandaranaike, that’s why,’ the lady was confident. 

‘Hmm.’

‘By the way, how do you see yourself in all this?’

‘Obviously I know that I can’t beat Mahinda.  In fact you can’t beat him either.  I think that’s something everyone knows.  I feel that something radical has happened in our society.  Our time is over.  I mean, people like you and I just can’t make ourselves look like ordinary people.’

‘Rubbish!  People are still serfs.  Look at Maithri.  He was being so deferential to me even when I was extremely condescending.  The same goes for you.  He calls you “sir”.  He needs us.’

‘Everyone needs everyone in that case.  When there’s an election, you don’t want to upset anyone.  He probably believed that you would deliver 40 MPs from the SLFP.’

‘Twenty,’ CBK corrected.

‘Ok, twenty, but it was a “no show”.  If what you’ve managed so far indicates anything you should drop this party leader idea.’

‘That’s funny.  Giving up the party leader idea…that’s not something you would ever do!’ CBK managed a grim through the grimace that materialized when home truths found target. 

Even Ranil smiled.  Then he said what he really came to say: ‘You should drop out of sight the next few weeks.’

‘What?’ CBK retorted. 

‘Well, the more you look like the power behind Maithri, the more it looks like a battle between MR and CBK.  You ruled for 11 years, he’s been in power for nine.  All Mahinda has to do is to say “this is between Mahinda Rajapaksa and Chandrika Kumaratunga”.  Track records will be compared.  He ended a war you know.   And he’s done stuff on the ground.  It would be hard to find a Chandrika-Footprint on Sri Lankan soil.’

The lady was livid.  She got the point though.  She was silent for a while.  Then she played her final trump.

‘I have the money.  At least let’s say whatever money embassies are willing to give will come to me.’

‘You think that will counter the edge that the incumbent has?  He’s not just the incumbent, he’s Mahinda Rajapaksa.  Known.  Criticized, but loved by many.  Admired even by his enemies.   People are grateful to him.  It’s not money that will win the day for Maithri.  It’s people.  Sorry to break the bad news, but you are bad news.’ 

‘And you are good news?’

‘No.  I am beginning to realize this.  If Maithri wins, then I see a few things happening.  He will own the SLFP.  He will preside over constitutional reform enacted by a national government.  We will have general elections and he will have a huge edge over the UNP.  I mean, it is unlikely that there will be a UNP-SLFP coalition.  Even if there was such a coalition, he would get to lead it.  So we would have to go our separate ways.  With Mahinda gone, the SLFP will abandon him.’

‘But at least you will still be the Leader of the Opposition!’ CBK comforted the man.

 

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Development: api wenuwen api or un wenuwen api?

It was about us. It was for us. By us.  That was the difference, one could argue, with the offensive against the LTTE launched by the Rajapaksa administration and the other ‘engagements’ with that terrorist outfit that previous regimes had flirted with to no avail. 

For years our thinking, conceptualizing and doing were principally informed by external forces whose agendas did not necessarily coincide with our interests.  Even in the past three years, it was not the case that there were no attempts by outside forces to dictate to us the ‘how’ and ‘why’ and ‘when’ of executing a military offensive against the LTTE. We were never an island, politically or economically, and as such there was some ‘inevitability’ to all this.  What was lacking was that we had not been a ‘nation’ culturally, an ‘island’ in terms of resolve, determination, courage and self-belief. 

People may point to superior strategy, a more effective assemblage of weaponry, better coordination, astute leadership, better training, fortuitous re-configuration of the global balance of power, enlightened efforts at the diplomatic front, a more informed and therefore ‘readied’ people and enemy-error as having made the difference, but there is an underlying thread that gave signature to this overall tapestry.  It is all captured in the slogan that defined the last phase of the war: api wenuwen api (we, for us). 

Mr. Good-Hearted Foreign Expert lectured down to us.  We were told it cannot be done. We were told to sue for peace.  We were told the economy would collapse. We were told that in the interest of peace, dialogue was necessary and for dialogue to take place parity of status needed to be conceded.  That’s the kind of logic that peace-NGOs were vomiting left right and centre for years.  The objective was not peace, we now know; it was about granting much-needed legitimacy to the LTTE as a necessary first step towards secession-facilitating ‘resolution’ by way of devolution along federal lines.  The end of the war forced them to re-assess reality and adjust slogan appropriately, but this was the kind of rubbish that was dished out in the name of enlightened literature on that politically pernicious subject called ‘conflict resolution’. 

Our leaders listened.  Chandrika Kumaratunga listened. She danced to that tune.  Ranil Wickremesinghe listened. He danced too. They were not alone.  Academics, peace-advocates (so-called), journalists and others also came to this party and danced the un-wenuwen-api dance quite happily.  It took us nowhere.  It weakened the security forces, strengthened the enemy, silenced those who had the arguments to refute the Eelamist claims and in these and other ways forced upon the people defeatism, helplessness and a readiness to be played with any which way the relevant players wanted them to be played.  Api wenuwen api sorted all that out. Today, a year later, we are free of the terrorist menace. 

Today, a year after the war ended, are we a happy, developed, prosperous and contented nation?  No.  We have lots of problems on our hands.  I have in previous articles over the past 7-8 years warned that the LTTE and the terrorist threat that it represents as well as Eelamism are not the only problems we have.  I warned that ridding this beautiful island of the ugly entity called the LTTE would at best only clear the ground for a re-thinking of who we are, where we have come from, who our ancestors are so that we can return with humility and compassion to one another and look to the future with hope and fresh determination. 

There is a sense in the country that we are somehow in control of our fate as a nation.  Even in the most difficult times, the Government did not do what most governments would have done at the drop of a hat, privatize state institutions.  The Government dug its heels, withstood all pressures and vilifications, and got the job done.  It is natural to feel a surge of national confidence.

This is, to my mind, a crucial time, a period when euphoria can blind us, appearances can deceive and where the defeat of a formidable foe that was thought to be invincible can lull us into believing that the hard work is all done. No. It’s just begun.  This is the time to keep eyes open, to be alert, to pinch oneself and say again and again ‘appearances fooled you again and again; don’t let them lead you astray’. 

An api wenuwen api nation is not necessarily an inward-looking, frog-in-the-well, protectionist political entity or island.  It is rather a nation that is acutely aware of itself, a people who know who they are and what they want, and negotiates with the ‘outside’ with full understanding of and intend to further that which is called self-interest.

The end of the war gave us that line and I worry that we are using it more as slogan and not operative principle or philosophical foundation for each and every engagement.  I am thinking of ‘development’ in particular.

‘Development’ is the thrust of Mahinda Chinthana – Idiri Dekma, the manifesto of President Mahinda Rajapaksa and the United People’s Freedom Alliance.  As I pointed out earlier, we are not exactly an island and are not exactly situated in a happy place in the overall political economic structure of the ‘family’ of nations.  We are stronger than we were and our resource base has improved thanks to the extra square kilometers of sea and related resources we have acquired recently.  We are still poor.  Comparatively. 

We listened to ourselves and triumphed over terrorism.  Are we ‘listening to ourselves’ when it comes to development; that ongoing sangraamaya no less crucial than the war against terrorism?  It is not enough for locals to be doing things.  We need to ask ourselves whose agenda we are working according to.   Who drew up the blueprint?  The modalities?  Who was consulted and more importantly who was not?  How much of the plan is infused with api and how much of it with un (them)?  How much of traditional knowledge?  How much of ‘needs’ targeted based not on what we need but what others want us to need? 

The architects of this development drive seem to be fascinated with infrastructure.  Nothing wrong in that.  But we must keep in mind that the British didn’t give us roads; our ancestors paid for them, in money or kind, and that they were used to take away wealth (labour value and resources) from wherever those roads led to.  How much of this ‘development’ is for communities and households and how much for politicians, officials, contractors and that easy hiding place for value, the treasury? 

There is a difference between the appearance of apa doing things for api and things being done by us for ourselves.  The last phase of the war proved to us that we are an apa wenuwen api nation, that the line is consistent with the brand that is Sri Lanka, that it is a core attribute of who we are.  If it worked in the war, there is no reason why it should not be tried in development.  I am not convinced that the powers that be are convinced.  Yet. 

Courtesy: Sunday Island - 23 May, 2010

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And some tears cannot go uncommented…

A few years ago, when I was associated with the National Movement Against Terrorism (NMAT), I helped put together a booklet about media representation of the conflict.  The title was ‘Some tears are not newsworthy’.  It spoke to inequality and privileging apparent in how the unfolding events were being portrayed in certain sections of the media, both local and foreign. 

The book focused on the shameless downplaying and even non-mention of atrocities perpetrated by the LTTE.  It was wryly observed that people generally misname terrorist as rebel if the theatre of operation is in any country other than one’s own.  The complicity of certain sections of the foreign media in the terrorist project was apparent even back then, i.e. long before Channel 4 became the post-war Voice of Tigers, so to speak. 

It was all about who was crying and over what.  Reading former President, Chandrika Kumaratunga’s recounting of a phone conversation with her son Vimukthi, brought it all back to me.  Vimukthi is reported to have wept after watching the Channel 4 production about the last days of the mission to rid the country of terrorism and to rescue an unprecedented number (close to 300,000) of people held hostage by the world’s most ruthless terrorist organization, the LTTE.  He has apparently said that he is ashamed to be a Sinhalese.  His tears and words were newsworthy because he’s an ex-President’s son and of course because these things can be used to frill the tall stories that the LTTE rump led by that terrorist in a cassock, S.J. Emmanuel is getting the likes of Channel 4 to tell the world. 

I felt sorry for Vimukthi.  Honestly.  And I felt sorry for his mother too.

As I said, ‘Killing Fields – Sri Lanka’ was a production.  A good one too.  There is clever juxtaposition of image, footage, commentary and music.  There is careful editing out of available footage.  For example, the fact that one of the ‘stars’ of the show, Issipriya, is portrayed as a heart-and-soul journalist cum musician, even though Channel 4 has previously aired footage where this ‘lady’ is described as one who glorifies suicide bombers and therefore clearly a recruiter of terrorists.  Channel 4 spouts numbers but is crafty enough to keep context out, making sure that the viewer is left without enough information to work out the relevant math.  There is use of clearly tainted witnesses who have been caught lying before and have several axes to grind.  There’s scandalous glossing over of the LTTE’s considerable curriculum vitae, not just in ethnic cleansing and other crimes against humanity but mock-up videos, use of military fatigues robbed from captured and killed members of the Sri Lankan security forces and other productions designed for the gullible and of course the complicit. 

Every story is a lie and a good liar can tell a good story. Channel 4 is an excellent story teller and I wouldn’t blame the average viewer for believing that Channel 4 had a true story to tell.  Vimukthi, though is not your average ill-informed viewer, absorbing image and claim about a foreign context he has no clue about.  And his mother, as an ex-President ought to know better than to play sucker to mal-intention. 

For all this, I believe Vimukthi’s tears are honest.  The boy is ignorant and probably good-hearted.  Forgivable.  Kumaratunga is no innocent abroad, though.  She’s smart enough to know about media spin.  She’s supposed to have a degree in the social sciences and even though it must be several decades since she last visited a university library or listened to a lecture on research methodologies, it is hard to believe that she knows zilch about things like reliability and verification.  She’s done enough spin in her day to give Muttiah Muralitharan a run for his money.  And she’s been either orchestrator of or happy witness to mass scale electoral fraud during her tenure to know that 1 plus 1 adds up to 2 and not 11, as Channel 4 might want us to believe. 

When I think of Kumaratunga, I remember the opening song of the musical Evita where Ernesto Che Guevara, mocking the pomp, pageantry and outpouring of grief at Eva Peron’s funeral claims, ‘She did nothing for years!’  That’s only part-memory of the ex-president, though. She did a lot too and much of it unforgettable in a forgettable kind of way if you know what I mean.  And I am not only talking about the Wayamba Provincial Council Election.  It was during her tenure after all that Eelam-speak was heard loudest. Indeed among her nearest and dearest were unapologetic champions of separatism.  Her commitment to peace was amply demonstrated by the amazing twinning of the occasionally visible military offensive and the round-the-clock vilification of the military and vociferous chorusing of the line ‘the LTTE cannot be militarily defeated’.  She invited Norway to broker an agreement with a terrorist who had vowed to divide the country.  Should I say more?

Vimukthi is a Sinhalese. So too his mother.  By name and mother tongue.  Did the Sinhalese, as a community, ever sanction atrocity?  By the same token, has either mother or son ever claimed to be proud to be a Sinhalese for some random act by some Sinhalese (verifiable and without a shadow of doubt hanging over it) such as sending food and medicine to the tsunami affected brethren among the Tamils or volunteering to help those who had been rescued by the Army in the first few months of the year 2009?  Vimukthi-style embarrassment would make every single person on this earth ashamed of his/her community for all communities contain despicable people doing shameless things.  Indeed, he need not have waited for Channel 4 to air its LTTE-spin to be ashamed of his race.  His own mother could have driven him to tear and embarrassment more than a decade ago. 

Vimukthi and his mother are Sinhalese. By name.  They don’t make me embarrassed to be a Sinhalese.  They only evoke pity.  Infinite pity.  May they both be blessed by the Noble Triple Gem and someday be endowed with the wisdom to navigate the regions of avidya (ignorance or delusion). 

[This article appeared in the Daily News of July 30, 2011]

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