Showing posts with label Jathika Hela Urumaya. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Jathika Hela Urumaya. Show all posts

17 December 2014

Reflections on a ‘radical’ of our times

Champika Ranawaka has emerged as a key spokesperson in Maithripala Sirisena's presidential campaign. Some of his former critics have now become admirers.  Even his foes grudgingly acknowledge that he is not just eloquent but backs rhetoric with substance.  This is a revisit of sorts; an article written for the 'Daily News' of December 17, 2009, five years ago to the day.

I think it was George Bernard Shaw who made the following observation: ‘Reasonable men adapt themselves to the world, unreasonable men adapt the world to themselves; therefore all progress is due to unreasonable men.’   It is about swimming against the tide, doing the unthinkable, defying logic and reason and overcoming all odds. 

‘Progress’ is of course a loaded term, but Shaw is essentially right in that it is those who are ‘unreasonable’, who possess powers of observation and reasoning that enable them to envisage possibilities unthinkable to most, that have a transformational impact on society.

The true measure of a person’s impact on his/her social, economic, political and cultural environment is obtained only after that person is no more.  All salutations should be kept on hold until then.  And yet it is not impossible to praise and blame as appropriate in an interim sense.

This is about a book, a biography covering 30 years in the life of a man, a document appropriately titled ‘patisothagamiwa this wasak’.  My friend Karunaratne Paranavithana who reviewed this book recently in the Divaina points out that patisothagami means ‘swimming upstream’ and observes after the late Tissa Abeysekera that it is the appropriate Sinhala equivalent of ‘radical’.  The term ‘radical’ has been appropriated by Marxists and others who are obsessed with the left-right dichotomy; the truth however is that radicalism is not necessarily bound by preferred political outcome or social order. 

The book, by the way, was authored by Patali Champika Ranawaka, the Minister of Environment and Natural Resources.  The book is more than Champika’s recollections of his political life.  It is essential reading for students of Sri Lanka’s recent political history, especially the student movement and the agitations in the late eighties as well as the rise of the nationalist movement which peaked, one could argue, with the comprehensive military defeat of the LTTE in May 2009. 

It is just one man’s version and does not give the whole picture, yes.  On the other hand, the man concerned was not an idle observer, but a colossus in the political firmament.  I remember Upul Shantha Sannasgala speaking at a book launch several years ago, saying that there were three individuals who stood out as giants of his/our generation: Daya Pathirana (leader of the Independent Student Union, Colombo University), Ranjithan Gunaratnam, Convenor of the JVP-dominated Inter-University Student Federation and Champika.  He observed that the first was murdered by the JVP, the second by vigilante groups affiliated with the UNP regime of the time and opined that had they not perished in the UNP-JVP bheeshanaya they would have definitely shaped the nature of Champika’s intellectual and political interventions in the nineties. 

A few years ago, Milinda Moragoda asked me what kind of person Champika was. This was my answer: ‘He is a person who reads the political equation very accurately and is capable of playing trumps no one knew existed and turn everything upside down’.  Victor Ivan, editor of the Ravaya, who was also present, concurred. 

My association with Champika goes back to the year 1990, in the immediate aftermath of the annihilation of the JVP when there was a marked political silence in the entire university system.  I was introduced to him by Ven. Athureliye Rathana, a brilliant student at Peradeniya.  They were instrumental in rescuing me from the intellectual reductionism and limitations of Marxism.  I have known him close to two decades now. I was associated with political organizations he helped launch and have observed closely his political career as it evolved. 

Champika was not born with a political ‘silver spoon’. He did not come from a wealthy family.  And yet, this man with sheer force of determination and incredible intellectual drive left a singular mark in the political developments we saw in the last twenty years.  I can safely say that I have never met anyone endowed with the creative and intellectual capacities that Champika Ranawaka possesses. 

He has a rare clarity of mind that allows him to sit and write an entire political column within 30-45 minutes, without any errors, grammatical or otherwise, and without compromising ‘lyricality’, logic and overall coherence.  That quality is evident when he speaks too.  There was never a word too many and he got his point across whether he had 30 mts or 3 minutes. 

I still remember a brilliant lecture he delivered at the Institute of Fundamental Studies, Kandy at a conference on Buddhism, Science and Realism.  He spoke on quantum physics. In 45 minutes he was able to explain the most complex theories to people who had no background on the material he referred to. A professor who taught this subject observed, ‘if I was asked to speak on this subject I would have needed  3 weeks worth of lectures to say what Champika just said in 45 minutes’. 

Champika, like Nalin De Silva and Gunadasa Amarasekara, argued that the LTTE must be and can be militarily defeated.  Those were unpopular positions to take during the Chandrika Kumaratunga years.  He was vilified as a racist, a Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinist.  The agitational fronts he created such as the National Movement Against Terrorism played a crucial role in creating the ideological foundation from which that ultimate victory charge could be launched. 

Champika is not a journalist, but it would be difficult for me to name any regular columnist who could match him for volume, range of subject and argumentative power over the past two decades. 

When he took over the Ministry of Environment, he bragged that he would show how ministries should be run.  Well, he made good.  Within a year he made sure that the Ministry did not require any Treasury allocations.  His work in the sphere of environment has earned him a lot of respect internationally.  He and I may disagree on many things, but I, like almost all his detractors would acknowledge that we are better off as a nation for the energy, intellectual punch and strong and unwavering nationalism of this man. 

He may come off as an aloof, humourless, matter-of-fact individual, but that’s not true.  He is caring and sensitive when it matters.  I still remember an incident when we were both detained (along with 12 others) at the Wadduwa Police Station.  Champika was in a cell, I was handcuffed to the stairs along with Paranavithana (referred to above), Janaka Bandara (who later became Public Trustee and is now a National List MP of the UPFA) and others.  I was not in the best of moods because I had been interrogated a little while earlier and the officer who questioned me had threatened to assault me in the night.  Champika must have noticed that I was a bit down in the mouth.  He smuggled some biscuits to me as he passed me and spoke a few words of comfort. 

In all the years of our association, I have never failed to be impressed by the depth of his knowledge on a wide range of subjects, his eloquence in conversation, effectiveness in argument and to win for this country and our people victories that were thought to be unattainable.   Others might be dismayed of course, and that’s understandable.  Whichever way one looks at him, Champika Ranawaka is a man to be reckoned with. In our generation, I can say with confidence, there is no one who is endowed with the skills and capacities that this man possesses.  His book is therefore a window into an extraordinary political actor and one who will remain a determining force in our society.   Worth a read.



Malinda Seneviratne is the Editor-in-Chief of 'The Nation' and can be reached at msenevira@gmail.com.

25 November 2014

The Jathika Hela Urumaya decides

The Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) made a decision.  The party decided that those who hold various positions in the government will resign forthwith.  The party further decided that it will remain in Parliament as part of the ruling UPFA coalition. The party reserved the right to decide on a course of action in the event a presidential election is called, whether in such circumstances it would field its own candidate or support a ‘common opposition candidate’. 

The JHU made this move without a presidential election being called.  It did so before the Opposition came up with a ‘common candidate’.  As such it is a preemptive move as much as it is anything else.  How did they arrive at this juncture?  Well, IN A PARALLEL UNIVERSE they would divulge stuff.  Here’s what a pre-announcement conversation might have been like.

‘We cannot support Mahinda this time,’ Ven Athureliye Rathana thundered. 

‘Yes, you’ve said that many times, ape haamuduruwane,’ Udaya Gammanpila observed.  He added, ‘In fact you have with your caustic statements which have not been sanctioned by the party, trapped us into a process we can’t turn back from!’

‘You tell me, Udaya, on what grounds we can support a Government and a President that has failed to deliver on promises made on two occasions.  This time also they have promised.  We would look fools if we believed them.  So even if I was silent this is what we would have to do,’  Ven Rathana Thero defended himself.

‘What’s happened has happened.  We have to look ahead,’ Ven Omalpe Sobitha Thero wanted to infuse some sobriety to proceedings. 

‘Ok.  Let’s recap.  There is talk of a presidential election but it has not been announced.  The Opposition seems confused and unable to come up with a name that is acceptable to all stakeholders.  There’s no guarantee that the candidate they pick would be someone we can support.  If it is Ranil, then we can either boycott or field our own candidate.  If it is Karu, we could consider supporting him.  If it is…’ Champika Ranawaka wasn’t allowed to finish the sentence.

‘There’s no one else worth considering,’  Nishantha Sri Warnasinghe said. 
‘Correct,’ Champika continued.  ‘There are too many factors that are out of our control in this equation, I feel.’

‘Exactly!  That’s why we should not bother about those other factors,’  Ven Rathana Thero showed agitation and excitement quite at odds with the content of his bana deshana. 

‘That’s easy to say. We have to think about our political future,’  Udaya said.

‘Your political future?’  Nishantha asked with a sly grin. 

‘No, no, no.  The party’s political future.  The future of the Sinhala Buddhist nationalist movement.  Our ideology, out party constitution,’  Udaya quickly pressed his ‘political correctness’ button. 

‘The truth is we have no choice now.  True, we really didn’t expect the SLFP to jump up in joy about our proposals.  We know Basil, Dullas and others well enough to know what they want and how they calculate.  It was a proposal they just could not accept at this point.  The truth is we didn’t have a choice when we submitted the proposals either and that’s not because Rathana Haamuduruwo’s Pivithuru Hetak operations.  Anyway, now we have to make something out of this,’  Champika said.

And so they went into a long huddle.  And decided to call a press conference to announce the decision of the party. 

Late that night, ‘the team’ met up again at the Sadaham Sevana to assess the outcome.

Everyone seemed to be in a good mood. 

‘We ended up positioning ourselves ahead of the Opposition,’ Champika observed. 

‘Early days, though,’  as always Ven Omalpe Sobitha Thero’s was the voice of reason and calmness. 

‘I think Mahinda must be pleased,’  Udaya was going with “may all beings be happy,” one would think.   “After all, by taking a stand we are showing up the Opposition.  Their indecision and confusion seems even bigger now.  Therefore the gap between Mahinda and Whoever has expanded.’

‘But that makes us and our decision non-factors if there’s a presidential election, right?’  Nishantha was curious. 

‘Well, we don’t really hate Mahinda, do we?  We just don’t like him.  As long as the JHU acquires new value that can translate into a better performance in a General Election, why should we worry about Mahinda being re-elected?’  Udaya argued.

‘Hmmm….’ said Champika Ranawaka softly. 

‘We have only started!’  Ven Rathana was not ready to do a sit-back-watch. 

‘We started a long time ago and we have quite a long way to go,’  Ven Omalpe Sobitha Thero said quietly. 


 See also:




10 June 2012

Wijedasa Rajapakshe’s agenda and options for the JHU

On February 15, 2004, on the eve of some prominent bikkhus launching a political party, a political commentator made the following observation in the Sunday Island: ‘It is the duty of the Mayor to ensure, among other things, that the sewerage system works properly; however it is not the Mayor’s job to climb into a cess pit and do the cleaning him/herself’.  It was an observation on the role of clergy, especially bikkhus, in politics.  

The Jathika Hela Urumaya made waves back then and it can even be said that vilified as they were they nevertheless played a key ideological role in shifting the political drift away from division and appeasement to unitary and removal of terrorist threat.  Their fortunes have since dipped, at least in terms of numbers, although the ideology of nationalism they promoted does not seem to have lost any ground.  Even their detractors would concede that the satyagraha of Ven Omalpe Sobitha protesting P-TOMS (June 2005), the march to Mavil Aru (August 2006) and the stand taken at the Donor Forum in Kandy by Ven Athureliye Rathana (May 2005) were landmark events that helped change policy direction. 

Whether political activity violates vinaya rules is of course a moot point, with both defenders and opponents having an array of arguments and citations to support their respective positions.  On the other hand, states are not religious bodies and laws are for all; they have to be blind to the gihi-pevidi (lay-clergy) distinction. A bikkhu, for example, though a member of the clergy, remains a prthagjana or an unenlightened being (the same way that a Christian missionary is not automatically deserving of beatification).  He has an ID card and civic rights. 

It is in this context that Wijedasa Rajapakshe’s ‘Private Members’ Bill’ seeking to stop bikkhus from entering Parliament needs to be examined.  It is not that this country lacks issues that warrant responses by way of Bills, from the Government or from individual MPs.  It is also strange that the debate that ensued following this move by Rajapakshe has focused on prominent JHU members but has completely ignored Eran Wickramaratne, a very well known preacher of ‘The Assembly of God’.  This is why this move is seen as patently ‘Anti-Buddhist’ and given rise to questions about Rajapakshe’s agenda and inquiries about whose interests he is serving.  It reads ‘Clergy’ but targets ‘Bikkhu’.

All citizens have a right to engage in political activity in whatever form that is not illegal.  The Parliament is only one location in a political universe; the machinations of people of other faiths, including clergy, in political affairs is well recorded, for example.  Closing parliamentary doors to a certain group would be an infringement of fundamental rights.  The Bill, Rajapakshe ought to know, would be shot down by the Supreme Court.  As such the move is unsavoury and only adds to an already tense situation with regard to the politics of religion in this country. 

 It is up to the Buddhist Order to pass determination on the kepa-akepa (sanctioned and forbidden) of the bikkhu.  Prohibitions should come from that address, and not the state.  In this, the dayakas do have a say and indeed one can say that this ‘say’ was expressed in the 2010 General Election.  Perhaps the two results (in 2004 and 2010) as far as the JHU is concerned indicate that a Parliamentary role was sanctioned in the earlier political moment but support for that position has since declined.

Rajapakshe alone will know what prompted him to do this and it is up to the general public to read the move as they will.  The JHU would do well to read the general sentiments of the Buddhists in this country in the matter of bikkhus entering Parliament.  Effective as they have been in promoting a particular policy regime, true though it is that Parliament is the supreme forum for representing sentiments of one’s constituency, the JHU might want to consider whether the utility value of Parliament has declined over the last 8 years. 

Ven Omalpe Sobitha Thero famously stated in 2005, ‘Let my silence be louder than gunshots’.  That was ‘Mayoral’, to use the analogy referred to above and written without intending insult to the Venerable Thero.  It is an option that is still open for the JHU. Only, it could be called ‘Presidential’ at this point. 

['The Nation' Editorial of June 10, 2012}