Showing posts with label democracy in Sri Lanka. Show all posts
Showing posts with label democracy in Sri Lanka. Show all posts

10 February 2019

Gallibbo!



photo: ft.lk

Gallibbo is a conjunction. Two Sinhala words: Gal (stone or rock) + Ibbo (the plural of tortoise). In common parlance the term ‘gal-ibba’ refers to someone who is thick skinned or insensitive. There’s a perception that consuming the meat of the gal-ibba (a species found in and close to inland water bodies) makes muscles so hard that it makes it difficult to inject — the needles are said to break. 

Anyway, that’s just an aside. 

Technically speaking, although we pronounce it that way, when writing the term in Sinhala, the ‘gal’ and the ‘ibba’ (or ‘ibbo’) are kept separate. Together, then, ‘gallibba’ would be a dvithva roopa sandhiya; ’sandhi’ referring to a junction, intersection or a conjunction and the term describing a particular way of coupling.  


Here we are not sandhifying ‘gal’ and ‘ibba’ but ‘gal’; we are combining ‘gal’ and ‘libba’ (‘sandhi’ meaning junction or intersection or conjunction). ‘Libba’ is a new term that has entered the Singlish lexicon in social media and refers to ‘liberals’. So the relevant grammatical term, in Sinhala, would be upamaa visheshana poorvapada samaasaya, essentially a coupling of two words with distinct meanings to create a third with a completely different meaning. In this instance the first word being an adjective and a simile.

In the sense we use ‘Gallibbo’ however, given the meaning of common usage, the term can be said to have an additional layer of meaning: a liberal who is intransigent. Oxymoronic, yes, but then again we live in times where the truth is revealed less by design than by accident. Indeed, that exactly is the point. People and things are not what they appear to be; there’s gap between theory and practice, between ‘say’ and ‘do’.  

It’s applicable to most ‘sayers’ who fall short on the doing — from the extreme left to the extreme right, nationalists to separatists, religious fundamentalists to fundamentalist secularists and so on. Nationalists, for example, whose nationalism has nothing to say about the wanton destruction and plunder of natural resources, the exploitation of the citizens and the fact that ‘nation’ and in particular THIS nation is or should be fundamentally inclusive, also betray a similar gap between theory and practice; their definitional preferences are flawed, incomplete and in the long run detrimental to their cause or rather the sliver of the overall nationalist project, let’s say.

Gallibbo, however, are the ones who are in the spotlight. The funny thing is, it’s not that they weren’t around before. Somehow they went under the radar, some of them anyway. The Galibbo, that is. It’s almost like they are wearing a touch-me-not cloak — self-righteous, pompous, know-all-ish and condescending. They are all for freedom, all for secularism, all for devolution of power, all for a suspension of ‘morality’, all for LGBTQI rights, media rights, minority rights, human rights etc., etc. In fact they might be confused with anarchists, but then again they are also defenders of ‘Rule of Law’ never mind the fact that laws, as Lenin pertinently observed, are the will of the ruling class. Indeed they can also be mistaken for Marxists and not only because some Galibbo are essentially Marxists who have found comfy clothing, But shhh….Gallibbo are quiet when it comes to capitalism, the overarching creator of inequality and suspender of freedoms in the relevant political economy. 

A few months ago there was quite a stir when some young people dropped their pants, got someone to take pictures of their bare bottoms and posted on Facebook. It was at Pidurangala. Naturally, some Buddhists were upset. Naturally our Gallibbo came to the defense of the bare-bottomed boys. Some pointed out to all kinds of un-Buddhist like practices by Buddhists, so claimed, by way of defending the butt-boys. Indeed, such Gallibbo (and there were ‘Buddhists’ among them) quoted chapter and verse from the Buddhist canon to defend the positions they took — not that they demonstrated any of the fundamental tenets of Buddhism (metta, muditha, karuna and upekkha) nor adhered to the tenets of their particular religious faith. The boys were Buddhists. They were arrested almost immediately.

Gallibbo are high on religious freedom and in particular about religious tolerance. Not in this case though. Indeed, the sensitivities of Buddhists were brushed aside, because (hold your breath!) ‘Buddhists are supposed to practice equanimity anyway!’ 


Anyway, just the other day, some undergraduates from the Eastern University (all non-Buddhists) climbed the ruins of a stupa in Kiralagala, Horowpathana, got pictures taken of them as though they’ve reached the top of Mt Everest, and posted them on Facebook. The Gallibbo fraternity went quiet, except for a few brave people who pointed out that it was just a pile of bricks (correct) and that they could be used to build houses. It took several days for the boys to be arrested; they were not Buddhists, remember. Gallibos, who are high on religious tolerance, couldn’t see the intolerance here.   

Gallibbo have a habit of touting secularism, but if you ask them three questions, they go silent: a) Could you take everything into account, compare religious freedoms enjoyed by non-Buddhists in Sri Lanka with those of people who do not belong to the faith of the majority in other countries and tell us if we are better, worse or the same? b) Have you ever thought about the number of non-Christian religious holidays in secular countries you take as examples? c) Have you calculated the number of religious holidays for Buddhists, Christians, Muslims and Hindus in Sri Lanka (13, 54, 16  plus special privileges in the event of spousal death and divorce, and 3, respectively. They talk of equality before the law, but balk at one law for all; they wouldn’t touch the Muslim Marriage and Divorce Act or the Thesavalamai Law. 

They talk good governance, true representation, transparency and accountability but say nothing of a set of unelected people (mostly NGO activists or tag-alongs) repeatedly throwing out an elected President’s recommendations with respect to Court of Appeal positions. 

Here’s another lovely Gallibba argument: ‘There are no Sinhalese in the pure sense of the word. If you checked their DNA, you’ll probably find traces of other races. They can be differentiated in so many ways.’ And yet they talk of a ‘Tamil Community’ and other communities as though they have DNA-integrity. Sinhalese are asked to be ‘Sri Lankans’ AND are asked to accept that Tamils and Muslims have inalienable claims based on identity. They will say ‘Mahawamsa’ is a racist tract, refuse to take it apart in any scholarly manner, and treat Eelamist myth-making as impeccable historiography.  

They might point to the number of Tamil words that have been incorporated into the Sinhala language, but will say nothing of the percentage of such words in the overall lexicon. For example, the Sinhala Dictionary is still not complete, it’s so vast. The section containing words beginning with ‘ka’ and words beginning with ‘ki’ is more voluminous that the Random House Dictionary.

Galibbo. A sociological treatise waiting to be written. I’m scratching the surface here. But, speaking of scratching, scratch a Gallibba and you’ll get someone who has some kind of grouse against Sinhalese and Buddhists. Wait. You can’t really do that. They have that ‘gal’ element about them, a thick skin to use the English term. A steadfast refusal to be honest and consistent. Honesty and consistency would strip them of the liberal garb they cover their moral poverty with. 

Gallibbo: an interesting species, all things considered.

malindasenevi@gmail.com. www.malindawords.blogspot.com






10 January 2019

Some new projects for Born-Again Democrats, Funded-Voices and Candlelight-Ladies



The year 2018 ended with political uncertainty being shelved. I say ‘shelved’ because the ‘restored’ UNP regime no longer has the President’s support nor that of his party, is being held to ransom by the Tamil National Alliance and does not have a stand-alone Parliamentary majority. Moreover, the flaws of the 19th, apart from those pertaining to dissolution, still remain and could come to haunt the ruling party. 

Thirdly, the government remains unpopular and is widely perceived to be corrupt and inept. The fact that its political opponents cannot boast of a superior track record in terms of wrongdoing is hardly comforting given that credentials of would-be replacements matter less than the need to get rid of governments when it comes to elections. Fourthly, the UNP-led Yahapalana regime has bungled so much with constitutional reform that it is likely that the people would view the proposed 20th Amendment with suspicion and will watch closely the UNP’s position on the new constitution that the TNA plans to table shortly.  

Despite all this, less confusion and less uncertainty in terms of who is running the country is obviously makes for a much healthier situation that what we had in the last quarter of 2018.  

Stability in this sense, nevertheless does not translate to democracy and good governance being in the box seat. But do we have democracy now, people? Is everything hunky dory? Do we have good governance now, finally?

We can safely relegate the ongoing spat between Sarath Fonseka and Palitha Thewarapperuma as a humorous diversion. So too Palitha Range Bandara’s threats and predictions. It’s nothing more than disappointment and ire on the part of individuals who’ve lost out in the apportionment of cabinet posts. 

But here’s something to think about. The man at the centre of the Central Bank bond scam, Arjuna Mahendran is evading arrest. Ranil Wickremesinghe, the key approver of Mahendran and the scam, who also, according to Mahendran, proffered relevant instructions, is back as Prime Minister. The suspected go-between, Ravi Karunanayake, is back in the cabinet. The principal  beneficiaries, Arjun Aloysius and Kasun Palisena, are out on bail.

Now it was reported that their bail application was accepted by court because a) the main suspect cannot be apprehended, and b) their families were falling ill. Such ‘reasons’ if applied across the board would help clear the prisons!  

None of this is surprising. These are politicians and crooks doing what they’ve always done, after all. What’s interesting here is the action or rather the apathy of people who barely a few weeks ago were shouting themselves hoarse ‘for democracy’. Yes, ‘not for Ranil but for democracy’ was the slogan; that’s why they took to the streets, they told the world.  

Well, the Born-Again Democrats, the Funded Voices and the Candlelight Ladies who were appalled by President Sirisena’s moves in October 2018, but had been quiet when he did the hanky-panky from January 2015 until he sacked Ranil Wickremesinghe, appear to have retreated to comfy quarters of apathy after Wickremesinghe was reinstated. 

It’s as if they were deliberately lying when they said ‘It’s not about Ranil’ and ‘It’s not about the UNP’. They were lying when they said they were fighting to reestablish democracy and good governance. They were, in fact, utterly unconcerned about such things. They were, in fact, only concerned about ‘their people’ being in power.  
Why haven’t they issued statements regarding Wickremesinghe’s choices for cabinet portfolios? Why have they (and also the governments of the USA, UK, France, Australia and Canada, and top people in UN agencies) been silent over the sacking of ITN employees? Why didn’t any of these people cry in horror over Buddha statues being smashed in Mawanella?  Why not, indeed! 

They would know best, but we can hazard a few guesses. They were protecting their people, their turf; democracy and justice were easy and convenient alibis in this project. 

However, we could be generous here. Maybe they are taking a breather. They are just tired, perhaps, from sleepless nights. They are recovering from being forced to spend some time outdoors and being bombarded with noice, smoke, dust and of course the unpalatable matter of having to rub shoulders with the ‘riffraff,’ made mostly of people who are not like them,  would love to be like them and probably have deluded themselves into believe that they would get membership in this ‘exclusive’ and (in their minds) elusive club if they ‘mimicked the gentry’ in action and by embracing their pet antipathies.

Yes, maybe they are exhausted. Maybe they will catch their breath one of these days. Maybe they’ll shake off the dust of placards and cut-paste status updates in social media one of these days.

If they were serious about democracy and good governance (a big if, that!) and they also want to use the old placards with the legend ‘it’s not about Ranil’ there are some projects they could take up.  

First. Check the draft 19th Amendment (which elicited much concern from the Supreme Court) against the amendment itself. It can’t be difficult to ascertain the gap, the magnitude of which would help them figure out how much the authors (principally the UNP) respect the concerns of the Supreme Court. 

Second: Check the draft 20th Amendment. Go through each and every word. Refer all articles in the constitution that would be repealed or amended (Articles 30, 31, 33, 34, 35, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 46, 48, 50, 51, 52, 65, 70, 80, 85, 88, 89, 92, 111, 129, 130, 153 and 156). Read Article 3 (sovereignty), study the word, meaning and usage. Study the 13th Amendment and see what the draft 20th, if passed without repealing the 13th, would do to the unitary status of the constitution and indeed reconciliation.

Third (and this would necessarily be an ongoing project that ought to outlast the tenure of various governments). Be alert to actions and non-action, statements and silences. Ask the question: ‘does this enhance or diminish things which we cherish such as democracy and good governance or even basic decency?’

Born-Again Democrats, Funded-Voices and Candlelight Ladies: your work is not done, sorry.  

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malindasenevi@gmail.com 





04 December 2018

Let's talk about civility now, shall we?


‘Let us be civilized now. Let us deplore barbarism and show it the political door. Let us act with dignity and let the undignified be banished forever from the august chambers (of Parliament).’

Now the above could very well be an excerpt from any one of the many who are commenting (mostly in English) about events that have transpired in the Sri Lankan political firmament over the past 4-5 weeks, that is, from October 26, 2018 onwards. 

And of course there are comparisons: ‘Look at countries in North America and Europe. Look at Australia and New Zealand. Look how dignified and respectful the representatives are in how they conduct themselves!’

Appearances matter of course. What’s beneath the surface is not seen and seldom explored. The racism and criminality is North America and Europe, throughout history and even now, are not seen. It’s not shown either. The ‘civility’ we do see is that which transforms into wrecked economies, cities turned into rubble, massacre of civilians, refugees and such. All in the name of democracy, need we add?

Let’s talk of closer-to-home civility. The born-again democrats have been expressing horror over the uncivilized and in their minds illegal sacking of Ranil Wickremesinghe. They’ve been horrified by the appointment of Mahinda Rajapaksa as Prime Minister. They’ve been disgusted by the behavior of the Mahinda camp in Parliament. 

They’ve talked numbers (as they should). Mahinda’s camp couldn’t show 113. So, lacking a Parliamentary majority, they’ve accused President Sirisena of violating the constitution. They didn’t ask if 113 WANTED Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister (just like they didn’t worry about numbers on January 9, 2015 when this same President swore in Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister even though he had just over 40 MPs supporting him in Parliament). Now that the Tamil National Alliance has expressed said they would vote for Wickremesinghe if it comes to a parliamentary test of support, they might say, ‘ok, now he has over 113!’  

Numbers are strange things though.  Principles are strange too. Consistency even stranger.  When it was very clear that the TNA was supporting the Yahapalana Government and the Joint Opposition as a group was opposed and their numbers exceeded those of the TNA, the born-again democrats did not talk numbers, propriety and parliamentary tradition. No talk of civility there, then.

Speaking of protocols, the motions of vote confidence against Wickremesinghe and then Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake were taken up weeks after they were tabled. The Speaker, in his wisdom, hemmed and hawed before allowing a debate. The motion against Wickremesinghe was debated and duly defeated. Good parliamentary stuff, the born-agains said.  

Then, just the other day, the very same Speaker violated all established procedure embedded in standing orders to take up a private member’s motion, allowed no debate and declared the motion ‘held’ within a matter of less than five minutes. There’s no way he or anyone else could have counted the ‘ayes’ and ‘nays’. Indeed, in that chaotic situation, members who voted ‘aye’ had their hands up when the ‘nays’ were being expressed!

That’s democracy and decency. That’s civility. The Speaker exceeded the limitations imposed on his office. He was blatantly partisan. He arrogated upon himself executive powers.  Decent. Civil. Democratic. Fine.

Anura Kumara Dissanayake, the JVP leader, on the other hand, did the half-way decent thing. He acknowledged indecency.  He implied that it was not the best way to get things done. He interjected an important qualifier though. He correctly pointed out the indecency of the President’s recent decisions and directives and implored that the decency or otherwise of actions aimed at overturning these decisions not be questioned.  

Milinda Rajapaksha, a member of the Colombo Municipal Council from the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) gave an appropriate rejoinder.  He listed some damning instances where the yahapalanists demonstrated rank incivility and were quite undemocratic, instances that were uncommented by the born-again democrats, and threw Anura’s own words back at him: ‘if this, this and this were not civil, then don’t question the civility of actions taken to overthrow the political forces that are culpable here.’

Therein lies the issue. It’s black and white or rather black or white. It is about end justifying the means. Both major political coalitions are hell bent on grabbing or retaining power. They are not worried about how they do it. They are, however, very concerned about the ‘how’ of things when they get the short end of the stick.

In this entire exercise, entertaining though it is, it is not the President or the two people who are convinced they are the Prime Minister or their backers who are being civilized. It is the masses of this country.  They’ve watched. They’ve waited. They’ve let these so-called representatives disgrace themselves, their parties and their constituencies. They’ve not partaken of any of it. It is almost as if they are at the metaphorical doors, waiting for people to leave so that they can be shut. That’s civil. That’s democratic. And that is the civil and democratic voice that the goons in Parliament and their vocal defenders are reluctant to give voice and decision to. Quite uncivilized on their part, wouldn’t you say, ladies and gentlemen?


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malindasenevi@gmail.com. www.malindawords.blogspot.com

15 November 2018

Sri Lanka’s Democracy Deficit


A cartoon that did the rounds during and after the heady days of the Arab Spring, so-called, had Uncle Sam declaring, ‘Beware! We will give you democracy!’ It’s a bit like someone grabbing a fish out of water and saying ‘I want to save it from drowning!’ Much of the democracy angst we’ve seen over the past few days is like that. 


On Tuesday, November 13, 2018, the Supreme Court granted leave to proceed on the matter of several Fundamental Rights applications contesting the gazette notification issued by the President to dissolve parliament. What this means, in plain language, is that the court has determined that there is a legal matter that requires examination, nothing more, nothing less.

The politicians who went to court cheered what they called was ‘a triumph for democracy’.  Now, had the court determined otherwise, would they have lamented ‘a defeat for democracy,’ one must ask. Anyway, such triumphalism is par for the course. So too, the cheers of the faithful. 

What’s amusing is the angst and subsequent relief of those who claim to be apolitical or at least non-partisan. They include, but are not limited to spokespersons of certain Western diplomatic missions, self-labeled ‘civil society activists,’ certain academics and other professionals. They also include those outside of these circles, for examples, ‘ordinary citizens’ who hold candlelight vigils and posters claiming (perhaps to alleviate embarrassment) ‘this is not about Ranil’.  

Let’s nutshell it. We didn’t hear no whimpers about democracy, darlings, when Maithripala Sirisena appointed Ranil Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister on January 9, 2015 even though the man had less 25% support in Parliament. No whimpers when in April 2015, the Yahapalanists tabled a constitutional amendment drafted by a rank incompetent, Jayampathy Wickramaratne, that had more holes than swiss cheese. The UNP either didn’t see the holes or believed that the hole-guard, Maithripala Sirisena would a) not allow the opposition (the Rajapaksas, as they put it) to creep through it and indeed wouldn’t himself take a crawl. That the Mahinda-Faction of the SLFP voted for it is another matter here. The point is, there were no concerns raised then.

No whimpers when the President and Prime Minister worked to dissolve Parliament the very day the COPE report on the bond scam was to be made public. No whimpers when the democracy-champions used their respective national lists to accommodate persons rejected at the polls by the people. No whimpers when Sarath Fonseka was made an MP and given a ministerial portfolio.  

No whimpers, either in January 2015 or in August the same year when MPs crossed over to the government. But today, ladies and gentlemen, there’s  horror at the possible subversion of democracy. There are whimpers today. And therefore there are hurrahs at what is not an unexpected court ruling considering the fact that the architects of the 19th Amendment were incompetent and slothful. 

To elaborate, the Supreme Court pointed out points in Wickramaratne’s draft that were in violation of the constitution. The dissolution clause, court determined, required a two-thirds majority plus a referendum. Wickremeratne amended it, inserting a clause which allowed an interpretation permitting the President to dissolve at will, clearly at odds with the four and a half year moratorium on dissolution in a different clause. 

Back to whimpers. No whimpers when the Yahapalana Government kept postponing local government elections. No whimpers that the terms of six provincial councils have expired and there are no signs of elections being held.  

Not about Ranil? No, it is about Ranil for it’s Ranil that is the UNP and it is Ranil who was caught by the short-hairs by the President. If one were to be generous, one could say, ‘alright, it’s not about Ranil but it is certainly about the UNP and its political fortunes.’

The constitutional crisis should be talked of as a problem of careless wording. It is also about the machinations of politicians belonging to all parties, not just the UNP. However, the root of the crisis is about true representation. In other words the issue of legitimacy.

Sirisena mentioned a few months ago that there had been some 400 demonstration in Colombo since January 2015.. The official Leader of the Opposition votes with the yahapalanists on a consistent basis. What he and the heenen-bayavunu prajaathanthravaadeen (democrats who seem to have woken up from a bad dream) have not mentioned is the glaring representational anomaly. 

The opposition (which is of course not coterminous with the SLPP or the Joint Opposition) does not have proper parliamentary representation. Voter sentiment as expressed in parliamentary composition was mangled in January 2015 and this was repeated in August 2015. The results of the local government election in February 2018 is the most reliable indication of where the people stand. The Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna secured power in 239 local government bodies whereas the UNP got just 41 and the SLFP/UPFA led by Maithripala a humbling 10.  If democracy is about people, then they have spoken. 

Unfortunately, there was a clause in the 19th that made it difficult to act so as to correct this anomaly, i.e. through the dissolution of Parliament. It took a parting of political ways for Sirisena to move on this and we know how that process is stumbling along. What’s pertinent, however, is that simple arithmetic clearly shows that the anomaly has got worse after Sirisena decided to form a political alliance with Mahinda Rajapaksa.

The court knows best, and one should not presume here. Whatever the outcome of the litigation process, it seems sensible to proceed in a manner that resolves the representational conundrum for if left unresolved, the basic premises of sovereignty will be compromised. 

Those who champion the cause of democracy cannot ignore the democracy-deficit in parliament. They cannot therefore hesitate on the need for correction. There’s no better corrective mechanism than elections. There’s no better test of approval available in a democracy. You can’t want democracy and not have elections; no elections, no democracy.  The bottom line, then, is a single word: ELECTIONS.  



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Malinda Seneviratne is a political analyst and freelance writer. malindasenevi@gmail.com. www.malindawords.blogspot.com






08 November 2018

Hypocrisy in the name of Democracy


‘I’M NOT HERE FOR RANIL, I’M HERE FOR DEMOCRACY AND GOOD GOVERNANCE.’ This was a poster or rather sentiments that appeared to be popular at the demonstration in Kollupitiya last week following President Maithripala Sirisena’s decision to sack Ranil Wickremesinghe and appoint Mahinda Rajapaksa as Prime Minister. 

Really? Really, really????

One of the better definitions of democracy is that it refers to ‘a government in which the supreme power is vested in the people and exercised by them directly or indirectly through a system of representation usually involving periodically held free elections.’ And yet, this definition does not speak to the political economy in which the democratic process unfolds. For example, we know that people have to vote only for those who actually contest, and candidacy is not a squeaky clean matter. Only a certain kind of person can contest or rather only a certain kind of person has a good chance of winning. There are exceptions, but this is the rule.  

Different countries have different systems where representation is obtained. The United States of America, for example, selects rather than elects her Presidents. There are other realities which rebel against the fundamental tenets of a sound democratic process best exemplified by the outright robbery that took place in the 2000 US Presidential Election. Malcolm X saw this early. Well, it was not a secret as far as African Americans and other non-white peoples in that country were concerned. Malcolm X didn’t mince his words: ‘This is American democracy and those of you who are familiar with it know that in American democracy is hypocrisy.’

More caustic was the following observation which factored in the reality of an uneven, unequal and unjust polity: ‘democracy is an exercise in which the majority of people choose the sauce with which they are to be eaten.’

Nevertheless, ’democracy’ is the word in the streets. To put it more accurately, ‘democracy is the word in the Opposition Street.’ Democracy does not begin when parliament is dissolved and does not end when results are announced. However, since it’s representation through elections that’s being talked of it is good to think about how democracy has been played (and ignored) over the years.

When the first post-Independence elections were held, the Father of the Nation, so-called, stood at the ballot box with a club in hand ‘to protect democracy’.  Intimidation, tampering with ballot-boxes and such became part of the story thereafter. And yet on that occasion and thereafter whenever democracy came under threat or was subverted, the beneficiaries and their loyalists were quiet for the most part. Many have to say ‘sorry’. Indeed it would be possible to come up with a list of the ‘sorrowful’ IF remorse was part of their civic make-up.

Here’s a list, incomplete of course, but let’s call it a collective apology without thinking too much about whether or not the apologetic are still around. [Note: for reasons of space, we will not detail abuse that’s common such as intimidation of voters, violence against opponents, misuse of state resources etc., and we shall leave out the 'squeaky clean' gurus of Democracy and Decency in the International Community who are no different from the kinds of people mentioned below. We will not talk of those for whom extrajudicial killing of thousands upon thousands in the eighties was ok. We will not talk of those for whom similar excesses in the North and East during the war against terrorism was ok. We won’t talk of those who uttered not a word when the LTTE blew up buses, trains and carried out suicide attacks on civilians].

‘Those of us who knew of D.S. Senanayake’s strange notions of democracy and were silent…

‘Those of us who were silent when Mrs Sirimavo Bandaranaike abused parliamentary numbers and constitutional provisions in 1975 to extend the life of Parliament by two years...

‘Those of us who were silent, on account of political loyalty, when J.R. Jayewardene and the United National Party promulgated the Second Republican Constitution in 1978 which is widely recognized as being responsible for much of the democratic deficits on account of which there’s been much suffering.... 

'Those of us who were silence, on account of political loyalty, over the skullduggery and horrendous violation of basic democratic principles in the Referendum and Presidential Election of 1982...

‘Those of us who were silent, on account of political loyalty, when the Constitution was amended no less than 16 times during the J.R. Jayewardena years, mostly for partisan reasons, including the 13th Amendment that gave credence to Eelamist myth-modeling among other tragedies… 

‘Those of us who were silent, on account of political loyalty, when the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) warned that the first person who dared vote at each polling station in the various elections held in 1988 and 1989 would be shot dead and did in fact shoot hundreds…

‘Those of us who were silent, on account of political loyalty, when the Chandrika Kumaratunga regime orchestrated a move to get Chief Justice Sarath N Silva to facilitate crossovers in Parliament… 

‘Those of us who were silent when a group of Parliamentarians crossed over to the UNP in 2001, thereby tilting numbers against the elected government…

‘Those of us who were silent, on account of political loyalty, regarding the flaws of the well-intentioned 17th Amendment in 2001…

‘Those of us who were silent, on account of political loyalty, when the United National Front (UNF) Government of Ranil Wickremesinghe, with the support of President Kumaratunga, bypassed Parliament and the people to sign an agreement with the LTTE in February 2001…

‘Those of us who were silent, on account of political loyalty, President Kumaratunga took over three key ministries and thereby scuttled the UNF Government in 2003…

‘Those of us who were silent, on account of political loyalty, when Mahinda Rajapaksa introduced and got Parliament to pass the patently anti-democracy 18th Amendment in September 2010…

‘Those of us who were silent, on account of political loyalty, in all party elections under constitutions that favored the particular leader, especially that of the United National Party…

‘Those of us who were silent Those of us who were silent, on account of political loyalty, when President Sirisena appointed Ranil Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister in January 2015 when, at that time, he commanded a parliamentary strength of only a little over 40…

‘Those of us who were silent, on account of political loyalty, when parliamentarians of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) expressed support to the Yahapalana Government, again in January 2015…

‘Those of us who were silent, on account of political loyalty, when the Yahapalana Government Sirisena and Wickremesinghe in April 2015 promulgated the horrendously flawed 19th Amendment and especially the deliberately vaguely-worded term ‘National Government’ which is at the heart of the current political and constitutional imbroglio… 

‘Those of us who were silent, on account of political loyalty, when the Yahapalana Government dissolved Parliament in June 2015 to stop the damning COPE report on the Central Bank bond scam was to be presented to Parliament…

‘Those of us who were silent, on account of political loyalty, when President Sirisena arbitrarily sacked the Secretaries of the SLFP and the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA), appointed loyalists in their place and effectively crucified the relevant Central Committees through a court order days before the General Election in 2015…

‘Those of us who were silent, on account of political loyalty, when President Sirisena arbitrarily sacked Ranil Wickremesinghe and appointed Mahinda Rajapaksa as Prime Minister on October 26, 2018…

‘Those of us who were silent when Ranil Wickremesinghe (on behalf of the UNP) and Maithripala Sirisena (on behalf of the SLFP) postponed local government elections and provincial council elections…

‘All of us, without exception, individually and collectively, are sorry. Sorry, democracy, we have abused your name, we have ranted and raved about you being violated only when we found ourselves at the receiving end of villainy and were silent and indeed not averse to cheering when such violence benefited the camps we belonged to or supported.’ 

Perhaps every single citizen who has voiced objections in the name of democracy and good governance selectively, can converge on Galle Face Green one of these days, each carrying a placard with the following legend: ‘I ONLY SAY “I’M HERE FOR DEMOCRACY AND GOOD GOVERNANCE, BUT I AM REALLY HERE FOR <add name of preferred politician or political party>’.  

Bottom line, if you are serious about democracy, you just cannot be a hypocrite, you cannot be selective. It just sounds stupid.