Showing posts with label Wilpattu. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Wilpattu. Show all posts

24 October 2020

'Sightings' that are simply blinding!



Why do people visit national parks such as Yala and Wilpattu? In a word, ‘sightings.’ Deer and peacocks are seen so often that after a while they cease to excite. If they turned heads in the first place, that is. Elephant sightings can stop you. Bear and leopard are rare. They are the creatures that call for camera-click and fb posts later on.

Thus the vast majority of people who visit national parks tend to focus on one thing and one thing only. Sightings. As in the case of most exercises marked by single-minded focus, one becomes blind to everything else.

Now there’s nothing intrinsically wrong in this. There are tourists and there are travelers. Tourists, local or foreign, have boxes to tick. They need to ‘sight.’ It could be a leopard or a specific tourist attraction. Whales, for example. It could be a list that includes Dambulla, Sigiriya, the Minneriya or Kaudulla elephant herds and later Nilaveli or Pasikudah. Nothing wrong in this.

Ornithologists will look for and see birds. Of course they’ll see the elephants and will no doubt stop and take in a rarer leopard, but it’s birds that make or break a trip. They go around with lists of ‘possibles’ and can, if they are into that kind of thing, rate a trip in terms of sighting percentages. Nothing wrong this.


Objectives define routes and practices. Objectives, when achieved, yield satisfaction. Do it and you can claim, ‘we had a wonderful holiday.’ Nothing wrong in this.

We have heard however that one can miss the woods for the trees. A tourist can and more of than not will. A traveler might not.

We talk of flora and fauna. We know that the Department of Wildlife Conservation (DWC) and the Forest Department are two separate entities. Their work intersects obviously. The tasks that the DWC sets itself to accomplish implicitly acknowledge this:

“To conserve wildlife and nature by the sustainable utilization of men, material and land through participatory management, research, education and law enforcement and ensure the maintenance of biodiversity and forest cover as exist today.”

No forest, no animals. It’s simple. No animals, no sightings, it must follow. No water, no fish. No fish, no fishing. Habitat is key and an experienced tracker will tell you all about the habitat and will have an eye for forest architecture simply because this could tell something about the possibility of sightings. Of course such a tracker could, if you ask and have the patience to listen, talk endlessly about the flora. Such a person will talk about climate and climate change, water bodies and seasonality, habits of creatures framed by habitat arrangement and a myriad other things not always found in tourist brochures or even accounts of ‘safaris.’

They have eyes and ears for a lot of things, not just the signs that creatures leave such as paw prints and droppings, a warning cry or a mating call. They know the sighting-hunger and will feed it as per the particular request.

Travelers, local and foreign, let the world come to them at its own pace. The world and all it contains, one should add. The complement of trees, the unity of tree and vine, the forest-yield to grass and the grass that will not venture into certain sands, pebbles, rocks and boulders, water bodies large and small, receding waters and dried riverbeds, dead trees standing ghost-like in a villu, the intersection of roads, tracks on the path not taken and so much more. In fact the full architecture of the forest which includes butterflies and other insects, termites and anthills, the early morning skyline painted in silver but brushed with orange and crimson at dusk, night skies, clouds formations, wind-excited ripple across the water, the dance of lotus leaves and, yes, so much more.

Nothing wrong with sightings and celebration of the same. Nothing wrong in satisfaction being pinned to sightings. Nothing wrong in not seeing anything else. It’s good to see. It’s good also to be open to ‘sightings’ unplanned.



Other articles in the series 'In Passing...':  [published in the 'Daily News']  
 
Eyes that watch the world and cannot be forgotten   Let's start with the credits, shall we? 
The 'We' that 'I' forgot 
'Duwapang Askey,' screamed a legend, almost 40 years ago
Dances with daughters
Reflections on shameless writing

Is the old house still standing?
 Magic doesn't make its way into the classifieds

Small is beautiful and is a consolation  
Distance is a product of the will
Akalanka Athukorala, at 13+ alre
ady a hurricane hunter
Did the mountain move, and if so why?
Ever been out of Colombo?
Anya Raux educated me about Juvenile Idiopathic Arthritis (JIA)
Wicky's Story You can always go to GOAT Mountain
Let's learn the art of embracing damage
Kandy Lake is lined with poetry
There's never a 'right moment' for love
A love note to an unknown address in Los Ange
les
A dusk song for Rasika
Jayakody
How about creating some history?
How far away are the faraway places?
There ARE good people!
Re-placing people in the story of schooldays  
When we stop, we can begin to learn
Routine and pattern can checkmate poetry

Janani Amanda Umandi threw a b'day party for her father 
Sriyani and her serendipity shop
Forget constellations and the names of oceans
Where's your 'One, Galle Face'?

Maps as wrapping paper, roads as ribbons
Yasaratne, the gentle giant of Divulgane  
Katharagama and Athara Maga
Victories are made by assists
Lost and found between weaver and weave
The Dhammapada and word-intricacies
S.A. Dissanayake taught children to walk in the clouds
White is a color we forget too often  
The most beautiful road is yet to meet a cartographer
 

07 January 2018

පළාත් පාලන මැතිවරණය සහ විල්පත්තුව


විල්පත්තුව කොහෙද අක්කරේපත්තුව කොහෙද, විල්ලත්තුව කොහෙද කෝරලේපත්තුව කොහෙද, විල්ලත්තුව කොහෙද  හාරිස්පත්තුව කොහෙද? අක්කරෙපත්තුවේ නැත්නම් කොරලේපත්තුවේ නැත්නම් හාරිස්පත්තුවේ ඡන්දදායකයින් ට අදාල වෙන්නේ ඒ ඒ පත්තුවල පත්තු වුන ප්‍රශ්න මිස විල්පත්තුවේ ඇවිලෙන ගින්දර වෙන්නේ කොහොමද කියල කාටහරි අහන්න පුළුවන්.  ගමේ ඡන්දෙට අදාළ වෙන්නේ ගම මිස් පිටගං නෙවෙයි නේ කියල උත්තර දෙන්නත් පුළුවන්.

ඒ වුනාට පළාත් පාලන මැතිවරණයක් කියන්නේ ගම ගැන කාරණයක් ම නෙවෙයි.  දේශපාලන පක්ෂ පිලිබඳ කාරණයක්.  මෙවර පළාත් පාලන මැතිවරණය පැවැත්වෙන සුවිශේෂී තත්ත්වයන් හේතුවෙන්, ඒ කියන්නේ සමස්ත සමාජ ආර්ථික දේශපාලන කරුණු කාරණා හේතුවෙන්, 'ජාතික' හැඩයක් ලැබිල තියෙනවා.  ඒ කියන්නේ මේක 'ජාතික මැතිවරණයක්' (ජනාධිපතිවරණය, මහා මැතිවරණය වගේ).  

ඉතින් මුලින්ම කියන්න අවශ්‍ය දේ තමයි 'ගම අපට දෙන්න' කියල කියන්නේ විහිළුවක්.  එහෙම ඉල්ලන අය කරන්නේ රටේ සමස්ත දේශපාලනයේ තම තමන්ගේ පා සටහන් වල ප්‍රමාණය ප්‍රසාරණය කරන්න උත්සහා කිරීමක්.  'ජාතික තලයේ' කේවල් කිරීමේ හැකියාව වැඩි කරන්න හදන එක මිසක් ගම හදන උවමනාවක් වත් හැකියාවක් වත් එයාලට නෑ.  ගම ඉල්ලන්නේ ගම කන්න යි.  ගම ඉල්ලන්නේ ගේමක් දෙන්නයි.

කැමති වුනත් අකමැති වුනත් කාරණය 'ජාතික' වන්නේ නම් ගනුදෙනුවද 'ජාතික' කරගැනීම වැදගත්.  ඒ කියන්නේ ඒ ඒ පක්ෂය 'ජාතික' ලෙස හඳුනා ගන්න විදිහ නෙවෙයි; 'ජාතික' කියන එක ඡන්දදායකයා අර්ථ දැක්විය යුතුයි.

ඒ අනුව 'ජාතික ප්‍රශ්නය' විවිධ විදිහට අර්ථ දක්වන්න පුළුවන්.  මේ ඉන් එකක් පමණයි.

'විල්පත්තුව'.  එනම් මේ 'ජාතික' වූ 'පුංචි ඡන්දය' විල්පත්තුව සහ ඊට අදාළ පාරිසරික, ආර්ථික සහ දේශපාලනික කාරණා වලට හිතා මතා ම ලඝු කර මු.  

මුලින් කිව යුතු යමක් තියෙනවා.  විල්පත්තු සංහාරයට එරෙහි වන අය‍ට එරෙහි වන්නෝ මේක 'බොදු බල සෙනා වේ මුස්ලිම් විරෝධය ක්' ලෙස අර්ථකථනය කරන්න උත්සහා කරනවා.  බොදු බල සේනාව මෙතෙන්ට මැදිහත් වූ බව ඇත්ත.  ඊට හේතුව එම සංවිධානයේ මුස්ලිම් විරෝධය හෝ ආගමික අන්තවාදය වෙන්නත් පුළුවන්.  ගස් කැපුවේ මුස්ලිම් ජාතිකයින් පදිංචි කිරීම සඳහා නම් මෙතන වාර්ගික සාධකයක් නැතැයි කියන්නත් බැහැ.  ඒ කෙසේ වෙතත් මූලික ප්‍රශ්ණය කැලෑව කැපීමයි.  එයට හවුල් වූ සියළු දෙනා කරලා තියෙන්නේ ජාතික අපරාධයක්.  ඒ කියන්නේ මේ වැඩේට මූලික වූ දේශපාලන බලවතුන් සහ පක්ෂ, ඒ සඳහා නීති විරෝධී ලෙස අවසර දුන් නිලධාරීන්, අහක බලාගෙන සිටි අය, මුල් පදිංචිකාරයෝ කියන බොරුව කියපු අය සහ ඒ බොරුව පතුරවපු අය, සංහිදියාව දඩමීමා කරගෙන විනාශයට උඩ ගෙඩි දුන් අය, මුස්ලිම්-විරෝධය නිසාම මෙයට විරුද්ධ වී ඒ අනුව කාරණයට 'ආගම්වාදී' හැඩයක් දුන් අය, 'ආගම්වාදය එනෝ' කියමින් සංහාරය යටගහන්න උත්සහාකරන අය.

ගහකට වනයකට ජාතියක් ආගමක් නැහැ.  එනම් ඒවා හැම ජාතියකටම අයිතියි, හැම ආගමික සමූහයන්ට අයිතියි.  සිංහල කැලෑ නැහැ.  මුස්ලිම් කැලෑ නැහැ. බෞද්ධ කැලෑ නැහැ. ක්‍රිස්තියානි හෝ හින්දු හෝ ඉස්ලාමීය කැලෑ නැහැ.  කැලෑවක ජාතිය කැලෑවමයි. කැලෑවක ආගම ත් කැලෑවමයි.

ජාතික ප්‍රශ්ණය විල්පත්තුව යි.  මෙහිදී විල්පත්තුව කියන්නේ පුත්තලම් දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ කරුවලගස්වැව සිට මන්නාරම දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ යෝධ වැව දක්වා ඇති, උතුරු, උතුරු මැද සහ වයඹ පළාත් තුනටම අයත් පරිසර පද්ධති සංකීර්ණය යි.  රම්සා තෙත්බිමක් ලෙස ජාත්‍යාන්තර ව පිළිගන්නා මෙම සංකීර්ණය ට අදාළ ප්‍රදේශයේ සියලු ජාතික වනෝද්‍යාන, සංරක්ෂිත කැලෑ සහ වනසංරක්ෂණ බිම් ඇතුලත් වේ.  

එහෙත් මෙහිදී 'විල්පත්තුව' මීට වඩා පුළුල් විදිහකට නිර්වචනය කරන්න අවශ්‍යයි.   විල්පත්තුව යනු කැපීමට නියමිත සියළු කැලෑ වේ.  ගස් වැද්දන්ගේ සහ ඊනියා සංවර්ධනයේ තර්ජනයට ලක්ව ඇති සියළු කැලෑ 'විල්පත්තු' ලෙස සැලකිය යුතුයි.  විල්පත්තු කියන්නේ අප සියළු දෙනා ආශ්වාස කරන ඔක්සිජන්, එනම් අපගේ ජීවිත හුස්ම පොදටත් 'විල්පත්තු' කියල කියන්න පුළුවන්.  විල්පත්තු කියන්නේ රට ට.  එය 'ජාතික' වේ.  රට ද වේ. ගම ද වේ.  අදටත් හෙටටත්, පුරවැසියන් ටත් පුරවැසියන් වීම ට නියමිත සියලුදෙනාටත් අදාළ වන 'ජාතික ප්‍රශ්නය' විල්පත්තු වේ. 

එහෙත් ප්‍රධාන දේශපාලන පක්ෂ සියල්ලම විල්පත්තුව ගැන නිහඬ යි.  ඡන්ද කුට්ටි දේශපාලනයට අවනත වන නිසා වෙන්න පුළුවන්.  නැත්නම් මෙතන 'වාර්ගිකත්වය' සලකුණු වෙලා තියෙන නිසා 'සන්හින්දියාව' අවුල් වෙයි කියන බය වෙන්න පුළුවන්.  කොහොම වුනත් මුළු රටටම බලපාන සහ එමනිසාම සියලු ජනවර්ග වලට බලපාන ප්‍රශ්නයක් ගැන නිහඬ වීම කියන්නේ සන්හින්දියාවට කෙළවෙන්න දෙන එකම බව තීන්දු කරන්න වෙනවා.  

විල්පත්තුව ගැන කතා නොකරන දේශපාලන පක්ෂ සන්හින්දියාවට, සාමයට, ජනතාවට එරෙහිව කටයුතු කරන බව තීන්දු කල යුතු යි.  මන්ද විපත්තු කියන්නේ 'ජාතික ප්‍රශ්නයට' කියන අලුත් නම.  

මන්ද විල්පත්තු කියන්නේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාව මයි. මන්ද විල්පත්තුවේ සිදුවන වන සංහාරය සිද්ද වෙන්න දීල අහක බලාගෙන ඉන්නව නම් රටක් ගැන, ගමක් ගැන, හෙටක් ගැන කතා කරන්න සදාචාර අයිතියක් තියෙන්න විදිහක් නැහැ.  ඒ විතරක් නෙවෙයි කතා කරන්න තරම් රටක්, ගමක්, ජාතියක් හෝ හෙටක් පවා ඉතුරු වෙන්නේ නැහැ.  

තම තමන්ගේ ඡන්ද ව්‍යාපාර තුල අරයට මෙයාට බනින එක සාමාන්‍ය දෙයක් දැන්.  අර පක්ෂය අරහෙම කෙරුව, මෙහෙම කෙරුව නැත්තම් අරක කරේ නැහැ මේක කෙරුවේ නැහැ කියල කියන එක ත් සාමාන්‍ය දෙයක්.  හරියට ඔය ටෝක් ඉශු කරන අය/පක්ෂ කරලා තියෙන්නේ පුදුමාකාර දේවල් වගේ, නැත්තම් නරක දේවල් කරලම නැහැ වගේ.  එහෙම පක්ෂ නැහැ.  ඒ නිසා සීලවන්තයෝ කියල කියා ගෙන එන අය තනිකරම කරන්නේ බොරුව.  

ඒ කෙසේ වෙතත් ඒ හැමෝටම අවස්ථාවක් උදා වෙලා තියෙනවා ටිකක් සීරියස් වෙන්න.  පව් සමාකර ගන්න.  ජනතා විශ්වාසය දිනාගන්න.  


විල්පත්තුව ගැන පැහැදිලි, නිරවුල්, වංගු නැති, බොරු විදග්දකම් නැති ස්ථාවරයක් ඉදිරිපත් කරන්න. එච්චරයි.

04 January 2018

Wilpattu: missing the ecological wood for the communalist trees


Last week I wrote that Wilpattu should be the core issue of the forthcoming local government elections because the said election has taken on a national character and because ‘Wilpattu’ is a national issue.

I defined Wilpattu thus: 

‘Wilpattu’ in the sense the term is used here is not a forest reserve located in the North Western Province.  Wilpattu is every forest under threat of encroachment; Wilpattu is every tree that is marked for felling; Wilpattu is every creature whose habitat has been threatened by deforestation, development and human settlement; Wilpattu is the oxygen we breathe and take for granted; Wilpattu is the climate change we ought to have foreseen, did not and suffered as a result; Wilpattu is the nation.”

In this article I mentioned the communal element that Wilpattu has come to be associated with. I did not mention any community by name but said that the minister concerned belongs to a communalist party and pointed out that the objectors had a history of violence confrontations with that particular community. That’s it.

Such things need to be mentioned because not to do so would be telling just part of the story.  However, the article and the argument therein went beyond the parochial interests of extremists belonging to various religious communities.  

Now a person named Reza Nasser has referred to this article and indulged in a bit of fear-mongering, claiming that making Wilpattu an election issue could lead to ‘an ethno-religious bloodbath.’ Nasser has made some tendentious remarks about my political loyalties which are to hilarious to comment on.  For me, they are as much a distraction as the ‘communal factor’ with respect to Wilpattu.  Nasser would do well to re-read the article and see if (as claimed) I have forgotten other instances of forest reserves, by what he/she calls ‘Royal offspring of the previous regime’ or anyone else. 

Now Nasser refers to me as a Sinhala writer.  Should I refer to Nasser by the communal identity associated with the name ‘Nasser’?  Who then is making this a communal issue and why?  The argument is weak: ‘Hands off Wilpattu because Wilpattu is communal-loaded!’  Hands off the destruction, that is.  In other words the communal card is being used to stop the debate and to clear the pathway for further destruction. 

Let’s get some fact in here.  The name ‘Wilpattu’ is derived from ancient administrative system where provinces were called ‘Pattu'.  Wil+pattu then refers to a province of lakes. This area with these special villu eco-system spans from Karuwalagaswewa in the Puttlam district to the Yoda Wewa or Giant Tank in Mannar and spreads across parts of the current Puttalam and Mannar districts which belongs to two difference provinces, the North Eastern and Northern.  Therefore, all the unseparated and undivided forests reserves, national parks and sanctuaries in this area are together identified as the Wilpattu Forest Complex (WFC) or Wilpattu Ramsar Wetland Cluster of International Importance.  The Auditor General’s report on the issue has clearly indicated wrongdoing in the name of settlement of IDPs in so-called ‘ancestral lands’ where ancestry has not been established.  

Trees, forests and protected areas do not have communal identities.  If trees are illegally felled and if land is illegally cleared then it is wrong.  Communal identity of any kind being used to justify such acts is communalistic and should be abhorred, regardless of the community.   The difference between what’s happening in the WFC and elsewhere is this: action was taken when environmentalists objected in all such locations except Wilpattu.  If communalism is the reason for this difference then the issue is communal, unfortunately. All the more reason to see beyond identity and community in this and similar issues. 

People insist, however.  For example, I received an email from one Musali Marikkar where in the midst of untenable claims the following is stated: ‘Had the Muslims of the north and east cooperated with the LTTE, you may now have to obtain a VISA to enter into Tamil Eelam. We safeguarded our beloved motherland from the clutches of LTTE and their declaration of a separate state.’

Marikkar too uses the communal card.  How should one respond?  One possible response is this:

‘An alternative outcome-prediction could be “if they did so, they very well have ended their story in Vellimullivaikkal.”  I fail to see how fleeing an area (the LTTE was not saying ‘join or leave’ by the way) amounts to “protecting the motherland.”  This kind of rabidly communalist statement undermines the amazing contribution of others of the same community to defeat the LTTE, especially in but not limited to the intelligence units of the security forces.’

But that would be pandering to those who want to keep the WFC communally-colored.    

Just this morning I read about another claim regarding encroachment.  This, orchestrated by State Minister Range Bandara.  Here’s a name that’s part of the WFC: Pukkulama.  It is located on the coastal edge of the WFC and is around 40 km from the Eluwankulama entrance to the National Park.  It is a fishing village.  It is an area that is used seasonally by fisherfolk from areas like Kalpitiya and Puttalam. They come, they stay, they fish and once the season is over they return to their homes elsewhere.  Although there are some permanent structures and a church, these too were used only seasonally.  There are no land routes to the area. Indeed, it was unused for the most part during the thirty-year long conflict.

After the end of the war, the authorities resumed issuing annual permits to the families that have traditionally used this village during the fishing season.  These are issued with conditions annually and for a fee of Rs 2,500. 

The previous regime, recognizing perhaps the potential to use this scenic area for economic purposes, cleared a strip of land more than 50m wide to construct a road.  They, just like in the case of the settlements that made Wilpattu ‘communal,’ used the ancestral-land claim to create a settlement.  Next, steps were taken to carve the area out of the National Park.  Finally, a helipad was constructed in Kuduramale. 

A committee was appointed to expedite the ‘resettlement’ (sic) process in 2010.  The committee recommended the alienation of land for settlement. Relevant agencies objected and have remained intransigent.  Environmentalists objected too and were able to dent these plans somewhat. Today, the ‘yahapalana’ successors to the previous regime have revived this ‘project’ and ironically it is led by the man who built a hotel in the catchment of the Thabbowa Wewa, Range Bandara. 

Now are we to focus on Bandara’s ethnicity? Are we to say, ‘well, he belongs to a multi-ethnic, multi-religious party that stands for secularism, namely the United National Party, and therefore this is not a communal issue and for this reason look the other way?’  Or are we to say ‘this is a Sinhala communal intrusion’ and paint the entire community as a bunch of tree-fellers?  

Pukkulama is larger than a community and a communal issue just as Vilaittikulam is larger than a community and a communal issue.  Citing ‘community’ and fear-mongering together constitute a red-herring.   No, ‘Wilpattu’ in the manner in which the name has been used metaphorically above, remains a national interest and it is in the interest of all communities to take a stand on it.  We cannot let communality blur the issue.  We cannot allow communality to blind us or numb us into inaction.  


The tree that is felled, the forest that is cleared, has no ethnic identity and neither is it associated with any religious faith.  For this very reason both tree and forest belong to all Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims, Burghers and other communities; for this very reason they belong to people of all faith, Buddhists, Hindus, Muslims and Christians.  If you insist on secularity, well then they are all ‘secular’ so to speak.  Leave religion and ethnic identity out of it.  Keep it, and then rest assured you will be named as a communalist.   

26 December 2017

Elders of the world relax, the kids are fine

"I am opposed to anyone who destroys the beauty of my motherland"
Elders fret over the state of the world and where it is heading.  The young are optimistic.  They will, they, own the world one day and are convinced that they will do things better.  Elders glance at the young and often think ‘the world is doomed’.  The more circumspect would say ‘hmmm…’ when encountering a young person with a pointed finger or a clenched fist accompanied by a loud voice.  

‘Never in our days,’ is an easy dismissal picked up by people in their late twenties and nurtured thereafter.  The young, for their part, can always point to the state of affairs and say ‘hey, this is a mess you created.’  

Elders talk of declining values, jumbled priorities and in these days a unholy fascination with electronic devices.  The young might say that elders just don’t get it.  Maybe they are right.  Maybe no one is ‘wrong’.  One thing is certain.  Young people know a lot more than their elders did when they (the elders) were their age.

It’s all there in a pop ballad written by Bob Thiele and David Weiss in 1968.  Bob was then 46 and David was 47.   It was recorded by Louis Armstrong who was at the time 66 years old.  ‘What a wonderful world’ yielded numerous covers and was featured in dozens of films and television productions.  What’s pertinent here are the following lines:

I hear babies cry...... I watch them grow
They'll learn much more..... Than I'll never know
And I think to myself..... What a wonderful world 

Elders may concede the ‘know much more’ in relation to technical things but might be less generous about ‘life lessons,’ arguing that there are things that one can only know after living a certain number of years and have had a certain quantum of experiences.  

Let’s leave all that aside.

Just the other day there was a protest about the destruction in and around Wilpattu.  Crowd estimates range from 2000 to 5000.  Compare this with the barely 100 persons attending rallies between 2006 and 2009.  These were rallies organized not by political parties nor with their blessings.  They were demonstrations from both sides of the ideological divide; i.e. those who wanted all military action stopped and those who were convinced that the LTTE needed to be militarily defeated.  

What was striking about this demonstration is that despite the fact that the issue were marked by the communal, the organizers were adamant that identity is not the question.  In fact they insisted that Wilpattu, like all natural forests, was about trees. They insisted that trees and especially forest cover belongs to every citizen and those yet unborn.  Relevant destruction, then, was an affront to the broader notion of citizenship, they said.  They expressly stated that there was no room there for any religious bigots or communalist thugs. 

And there were none present either.  Instead, there were multiple organizations involved in this demonstration. There were people from all ethnic communities, all religious faiths, all social classes and probably affiliated to or supporting all political parties.  There were the very old and the very young, but it was a predominantly youth-led and youth-participating event.  

Let’s go ultra conservative.  Let’s say there were just 1000 people present.   That’s massive, and not just because of the comparison above.  We live in a world, after all, where ‘involvement’ is easy, objection is a matter of point-n-click, where a ‘like’ here and a ‘share’ there and a pithy status update or a profile-pic change can confer ‘participation’.  We live in a world where we can say ‘Damn it, I wish I could be there, but hey I will be with you guys in spirit,’ just like people said not too long ago ‘හදවතින් අප යුද බිමේ, තනි කලේ නැත ඔබ කිසි දිනේ’ (we never abandoned you; our hearts are with you there in the battlefield).  Not too long ago, for example, there was a call for a ‘Colombo Sprint’ (on the lines of Arab Spring).  People were asked to converge on Independence Square.  There was a lot of noise on Facebook.  Independence Square, on the particular day, was conspicuously silent. No one came.

Maybe it’s all about the issue at hand.  Trees make for less ideological disagreement than do governments.  Nevertheless, the young people who took the lead made their presence felt.  The media, obsessed over political intrigue surrounding the forthcoming local government elections by and large ignored these young people, but who knows, maybe it will come to a point where the media will have to take notice simply because the readership will start asking ‘how can you not be concerned?’  

I am not a crystal gazer.  There was a lot of romance in and around Vihara Maha Devi Park.  There was a momentary throw back to a time that was very different where full-hearted protests could barely draw 100 people.  

We can’t be happy about ‘Wilpattu,’ and what the name has come to mean.  We can be happy that those who will own this earth (if they don’t already) care about our planet enough to take a stand. 


Malinda Seneviratne is a freelance writer.  malindasenevi@gmail.com.  


28 January 2017

NGO touch-me-nots


Peruse the websites, vision-mission statements and objectives in project proposals of NGOs and the majority will read like a Sunday School Sermon.   It’s all good stuff.  Lovely words.  Beautiful intentions.  You would be forgiven for thinking that the people who run these outfits are saints.  

It’s all about liberty, equality and fraternity.  Well, not those very words of course, but basically the same sentiments.  Yahapalanaya or good governance, for example, is but a 21st Century regurgitation (considering the rhetoric if not anything else) of what the French Revolution tossed out in the 18th Century.  Of course not all NGOs or the personnel therein are supporters of the yahapalanists, but in word if not in deed they are pretty much invested in the nitty gritty of good governance.  

They don’t sing ‘We shall overcome’ or the ‘Internationale’, but there’s a lot of ‘we’ll walk hand in hand,’ in the subtext of engagement, almost like background music.  It’s almost as though ‘Glory Hallelujah’ is playing on their minds all day long.  

There’s love for all.  Regardless of ethnic, religious or ideological preferences.  They all should have an equal voice.  There’s love for nature and talk of sustainable development.  There’s swearing by the notion of democracy.  There’s disavowal of crookedness, the bending of rules, the abuse of power and the subjugation of dissent.  

It almost makes one think that all the problems faced by the people would be best addressed by these ladies and gentlemen.  Let them take over and things will be fine, one is made to believe.  

Scratch them!” I say, and the lovely picture begins to fade.  

Let’s begin with money.  The good words are ‘accountability’ and ‘transparency’.  The bad habit is that others are meant to swear by them.  Sauce for the goose but not the gander, so to say.  This is not to say that politicians and officials are squeaky clean of course, but then finger-pointers are generally expected to have untainted fingers.  If there’s any inkling of double-billing or multiple receipts, non-events being mentioned in expense columns, payments to non-existent resource persons and any other kind of financial hanky-panky, then there’s something wrong.  

NGOs club together, even if some of them vie for the same funds.  If one indulges, the others close ranks.  You don’t see any of the transparency-demanders querying the opaque among their brethren.  In fact, if anyone calls some NGO or NGO personality out for any kind of wrongdoing, in addition to the inevitable hushing up we see the whistle-blower being vilified.  Perhaps this will change once the Right to Information Act comes into force.  It is no secret that NGOs lobbied the powers that be to exclude I/NGOs from scrutiny, to no avail. Kudos to those who drafted the document and got it passed in Parliament, therefore.  

What NGOs do with bucks is an NGO touch-me-not.  It’s not the only one though.  

We see a lot of high-minded moralizing about tolerance, respect and such when it comes to identity issues.  If, however, a minority entity, religious or ethnic, does the dirty, there’s deafening silence or else cute apologizing in the form of referring to religious freedom or wailing about alleged historical discrimination — narratives beautifully constructed with liberal infusion of exaggeration and the deployment of that neat device, selectivity.  There’s a big holy cow right there. A touch-me-not, certainly.  

Nature.  It sells.  Well, as a whole and in part.  Sustainability, climate-change, biodiversity and conservation have as much buck-drawing potential as conflict-resolution, good governance and peace.  

They are all tree-hugging, animal-loving elves, one might think.  Their hearts bleed and their sorrow is sprinkled all over social media about the plight of perahera elephants, but they say nothing of horse racing or dog shows.  That’s fine, for horses and dogs are better treated than some perahera elephants, one might argue.  Then again, why not a murmur about slaughtering cattle, goats, chicken and pigs for their meat?  

Lesser creatures of ‘god’ or else is it not about elephantine love but some other kind of religious angst which may even include a need for religious conquest and therefore requires potshots at Buddhist festivals at every turn?   And then again, why the strange silence about ‘development prerogatives’ which result in destroying the natural habitat of elephants?  

Then we have trees.  They are lovely.  There are lots of them in and around Wilpattu.  No, that’s a no-go zone.  A touch-me-not.  Sure, there’s the tokenism if pushed of talking about the plight of people displaced by the war.  Of course their housing problem needs to be resolved.  On the other hand, lack of housing is not the preserve of this particular community.  If one talks precedence and uses it to fell, we’ll be with zero forest cover in a few years.  But no, while environmental NGOs have done a lot of work to draw fact and discard fiction, there’s absolutely no support from other tree-loving worthies in their tribe.  It’s an untouchable community.  Those who protest the destruction that’s taking place in Wilpattu are openly or in veiled terms accused of religious intolerance, by the very fact that the tree-fellers and the politicians backing them to the hilt, belong to a particular religious community.  

The logic is simple.  

It’s not about liberty, equality and fraternity.  It’s not about being good and saintly.  It is not about decency and civilization.  It’s about outcome preferences that essentially rebel against vision-mission statements and rip to pieces the holier-than-thou rhetoric in the NGO narrative.  

Finally, there’s capitalism.  If equality is an issue, then capitalism should be the headline, strapline, body-copy, punctuation and footnote of all NGO texts.  Not so.  It’s a touch-me-not, the Mother of all Touch-me-nots, one might argue.  A holy cow, in fact.  

Governments, mostly made of those who are bigger sized miscreants than the majority of NGO personalities, have lost the moral authority to take on NGOs.  Governments, however, are taken down by the people.  Those who profess to represent, if they do not, need to be taken on and taken out.  It is high time that civil society (R) — ‘R’ for ‘real’ — deliver some justice to civil society ‘F’ (‘F’ for ‘Fake’).  




Malinda Seneviratne is a freelance writer.  Email: malindasenevi@gmail.comTwitter: malindasene.