Showing posts with label #gotagohome. Show all posts
Showing posts with label #gotagohome. Show all posts

03 August 2022

අරගලයේ දේශපාලන ඉතිරිය

 

"ස්වයං විවේශනය, දුෂ්ටත්වයේ හරය තෙක් දිවෙන දරුණු, නොමසුරු, අනුකම්පා විරහිත විවේචනය නිර්ධන පාන්තික ව්‍යාපාරයක ජීවය සහ හුස්ම පොද වේ" -- රෝසා ලක්සන්බ(ර්)ග්



 
අරගලය අවසන් වුනා කියල සමහරු කියනවා. අරගල ඉවර වෙන්නෙත් නෑ ඉවර කරන්නත් බෑ කියල තවත් අය කියනවා. කෙසේ වෙතත් 'අරගලය' නමින් හැඳින් වූ දේශපාලන ක්‍රියාවලිය එක්තරා ආකාරයක නිමාවකට ඇවිල්ලයි තියෙන්නේ. අරගලය මැරුණා නැත්තම් මැරුවා කියල කියනවා නෙවෙයි. ඒ නිසා මෙතන ඉදිරිපත් කරන්නේ පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණයක් නෙවෙයි.

අරගලයේ සක්‍රීය වූ අය වගේම දුර ඈත සිට බලාපොරොත්තු පිරුණු දෑසින් අරගලය දෙස බලා සිටි අයද, අරගලය, එහි ප්‍රකාශිත අරමුණු සහ අරගලකරුවන් අතර සිටි ඇතැම් චරිත පිලිබඳව සැකසහිතව සියල්ල නිරීක්ෂණය කළ අයද යොමු විය යුතු බොහෝ කාරණා ඉතුරු වෙලා තියෙන බව කියන්න පුළුවන්. අරගලයට නැවතීමේ තිතක් කෙසේ වෙතත් කොමාවක් වැටිලා තියෙන මේ මොහොතේ ඒ සියලු දේ විමසීමට අවකාශයක් නිර්මාණය වෙලයි තියෙන්නේ. තම තමන්ගෙන්ම සහ එකිනෙකාගෙන් ඇසිය හැකි ප්‍රශ්න තියෙනවා. ඒවාට උත්තර සෙවීම වටිනවා කියලයි මට හිතෙන්නේ.

ඇමරිකානු තානාපති ජූලි චුං ගේ භූමිකාව කුමක්ද? චුං ගේ ට්විටර් සටහන් කියෙව්වාද? ඒවා හරහා ඇමරිකාව මොකාටද එන්නේ කියලා හිතුවද? කාදිනල්තුමාගේ භූමිකාව කුමක්ද? කතෝලික පල්ලිය සහ අරගලය අතර සම්බන්ධය මොන වගේද? අරමුණු මොනවාද? ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදල වන්දනාමාන කරමින් එහි පිහිට පතපියව් කියලා කට්ටිය කියද්දී උග්‍ර වාමවාදීන් මුනිවත රැක්කේ ඇයි. එයාලගේ වාමවාදය නැවත නැවතත් ප්‍රශ්න කළ යුතුයි නේද? අරගල ගැන ටියුෂන් දුන්න අප්පච්චිලාගේ, අම්මිලාගේ, ඇන්ටිලාගේ, අංකල්ලාගේ දේශපාලන ඉතිහාසය ගැන හොයල බැලුවේ නැති එක ගැන අරගලයේ දරුවෝ පසුතැවිලි වෙනවද? නීතිඥ සංගමය ගේමක්ද ගැහුවේ? විගණනය ඉල්ලන අයට නීතිඥ සංගමයේ සියලුම සාමාජිකයින් විගණනය කළ යුතුයි නේද කියල හිතුනද? 'අදේශපාලනික' කියන වචනයේ තේරුම දැනගෙන හිටියද? දැන් දන්නවද?

ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන අවශ්‍යයි කියල ආදී හප්පලා කෑ ගහපු අය අඩුම තරමින් 17වන සංශෝධනය සිට 20 දක්වා කියවලා තියෙනවද? ඒ ඒ සංශෝධන සම්මත කරගත්ත දේශපාලන වටපිටාව මොකද්ද කියල හෙව්වද? ඒ ඒ සංශෝධන කාගේ හරි වාසියක් සඳහාද නැත්තම් දේශපාලන විරුද්ධවාදීන් දඩයම් කිරීමේ චේතනාවෙන් සම්මත කරගත්තද? විධායක ජනාධිපති ක්‍රමය එපා කියන අය 13වන සංශෝධනය ගැන දන්නවද? සාලිය පීරිස්ගේ පරස්පර ප්‍රකාශ ගැන නීතිඥ සංගමයේ සාමාජිකයින් නිහඬ ඇයි?

පන්ති-රහිත අරගලයට 'පන්තිය' කඩා වැදුනේ මොන මොහොතේදීද? අරගලයට සහාය දැක්වූ ධනවත් ඇන්ටිලා අංකල්ලා (ඒ කියන්නේ මාමලා නැන්දලා නොවන වැඩිහිටියෝ) මෙච්චර කාලයක් අසීමිත වාසි ලබාගත්තේ සිස්ටම් එකට පිං සිද්ධ වෙන්න නෙවෙයිද? ජූලි 9දාට පසුව රියල්-ටෝයියෝ (ටොයි සමාජයට සැලියුට් දාන ටොයි සමාජයේ සාමාජිකතත්වය ලබාගැනීම ජීවිතයේ එකම අරමුණ සේ සළකන) වෙන්ඩ-ටොයියන්ව  බයියන් ගානටම දමමින් පිළිකුල් කරන්නේ ඇයි? ඇත්තටම අරගලයට ලොකු සල්ලි ආවේ කොහෙන්ද? කාගෙන්ද? කුමක් සඳහාද? අරගලය ඉදිරියට තල්ලු කරන්නත් ඉතා පරිස්සමින් සිස්ටම්-චේන්ජ් අල කරන්නත් කටයුතු කළ සෑම පුද්ගලයෙකුටම පාහේ, සෑම සංවිධානයකටම පාහේ ඍජුව හෝ වක්‍රව ඇමරිකාවේ රජය හෝ රජයට විවිධ සංවිධානවලින් මුදල් නැත්තම් කුමන හෝ උපකාර ලැබීම අහම්බයක්ද? #චුන්-නෝනා-ගෝහොම්, #NGOකාක්කෝගෝහෝම්, #IMFඑපා, #MalcolmGoToConfession: මේ වගේ සටන් පාඨ කාටවත් කල්පනා නොවුනේ ඇයි?  

ආරක්ෂක අංශ වළ සාමාජිකයින්ට 'අට පාස්' කියා සමච්චල් කරන අය මාටින් වික්‍රමසිංහ අට පාස්ද කියල තමන්ගෙන් අහන්නේ කවද්ද? උපාධිධාරීන්ගේ සසර ගමන අට පාස් අයට වඩා කෙටිද?  

අරගල කරද්දී මේ වගේ ප්‍රශ්න මතු වෙන්න ඇති. උත්තර හොයන්නත් ඇති. උත්තර සෙවීම පසුවට තබා අරගලයම උත්තර සපයයි කියල හිතන්නත් ඇති. ඒත් සියල්ල සිදුවුනාට පස්සේ ප්‍රශ්න එහෙමමයි. උත්තර හොයන්නේ නැත්තම් සර්වසුභාවාදය සර්වඅසුභාවාදයට පෙරළෙන්න පුළුවන්. එහෙම අනතුරක් නැත්තේ නෑ. 

උත්තර හොයන්නේ නැත්තම් වැඩියෙන්ම සතුටු වෙන්නේ සිස්ටම් එක. 

01 August 2022

අරගල, විප්ලව සහ දේශපාලනයේ අවලස්සන යටිපැත්ත

 

 

ජනතා නැගිටීමක්, උද්ඝෝෂණයක්, රටක දේශපාලන නායකත්වයට අභියෝග කරන දේශපාලන ක්‍රියාවලියක්, දේශපාලන පෙරළියක් -- මේ හැම එකක්ම අරගලයක් කියල කියන්න පුළුවන්. විප්ලවයක් කියල කියන්න බෑ. සමහර අරගල විප්ලව බවට පරිවර්තනය වෙන්න පුළුවන්. කොන්දේසි තියෙනවා. පහුගිය මාස කිහිපය හරහා ලංකාවේ සිදුවුණා නැත්තම් සිදු කරන ලද අරගලය විප්ලවයක් බවට පෙරලුනේ නැහැ. ඒක 'අරගලයක්' නෙවෙයි, ඇත්තටම. එතන තිබුනේ අරගල. බහු වචනින්.

අරගලයට අදාල විවිධ ප්‍රකාශන සහ ක්‍රියාකාරකම් දිහා බලනකොට බරපතල කාරණා ගැන පොදු එකඟතාවක් තිබුනේ නෑ. මතවාදී කරුණු ගැන වගේම අරමුණු පිළිබඳවත් පොදු අවබෝධයක්, එකඟතාවක් තිබුනේ නෑ. ක්‍රමය වෙනස් කිරීම ගැන යම් යම් පුද්ගලයින් සහ සංවිධාන කතා කළත් අරගලයේ මහා පොදු සාධකයේ ඒ කිසි දෙයක් අඩංගු වුනේ නෑ. විවිධත්වයක් තිබුනා -- ආගම්, ජාති, කුල සහ පංති නොසලකපු, ඒ ඒ විවිධත්වයන් වලට ඉඩක් දෙන, අඩු වැඩි වශයෙන් ගරු කරපු  විවිධත්වයක් තිබුන. උග්‍ර වාමවාදීන් සිට ධනවාදයම ඉල්ලන, ධනවාදය වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටින ධනේශ්වරය දක්වා මතවාදීමය පරාසයේ විවිධ තැන් වල ස්ථානගත වූ අය සහ සංවිධාන අරගලකරුවන් අතර සක්‍රීයව හිටියා. මේ සියලු විවිධත්වයන් එක ධජයක් යටට එකතු කරන්න වුනේ සහ එකතු වුනේ ඇත්තටම කුඩාම පොදු සාධකයකට. පුද්ගල කේන්ද්‍ර සාධකයක්. ගෝටා ගෙදර යැවීම.

ගෝටා ගියා. අරගලකරුවන් වගේම අරගලයත් ගෙදර ගියා. සිස්ටම් එක එහෙමම තියෙනවා. එහෙම වුනේ ඇයි? වී ඩෝන්ට් නෝ වයි ද, වී නෝ වයි ද?  
 
රුසියාවේ වුනේ විප්ලවයක්. ප්‍රධාන තේමාව/අරමුණ #සාර්මරමු නෙවෙයි; ඉල්ලුවේ ඉඩම්, සාමය සහ පාන්. සාර් සහ සාර්ගේ පවුල ඝාතනය කළා, ඇත්ත. ඒත් සාර් පාලනය සහ ඒ හා බැඳුන වැඩවසම් ක්‍රමය අවසන් කිරීම තමයි අරමුණ වුනේ. අවසන් කළා. සාමය ලැබුනා. ඉඩම් ලබා ගන්න නැත්තම් ඉඩම් පොදු අයිතියට පවරා ගන්න කාලයක් ගියා. ඒ සඳහා ලේ වන්දියක් ගෙවීමටත් සිද්ධ වුනා. ආහාර ප්‍රශ්නය විසඳුනේ පරක්කු වෙලා. ඒත් සිස්ටම් එක චේන්ජ් වුනා.

ප්‍රංශයේ 'අරගලකරුවන්' #ලුවීමරමු කියල කියන්න ඇති. ඒත් ප්‍රධාන තේමාව/අරමුණ වුනේ නිදහස, සමානාත්මතාවය සහ සහෝදරත්වය. ලුවී ඇතුළු ප්‍රංශ රජ පවුල ඝාතනය කළා, ඇත්ත. ඒත් ප්‍රංශයේ රාජාණ්ඩුක්‍රමය අවසන් වුනා. වැඩවසම් නිෂ්පාදන මාදිලියෙන් ධනවාදී ක්‍රමයක් වෙත ප්‍රංශය ගමන් කරන්න පටන් ගත්තා. සමානාත්මතාවය සහ සහෝදරත්වය කෙසේ වෙතත් සිස්ටම් එක චේන්ජ් වුනා.    

රුසියාව, ප්‍රංශය, වගේම විප්ලව සිද්ධ වුන කියුබාව සහ වියෙට්නාමය වගේ රටවල විප්ලවවාදීන්ට නැත්තම් අඩුම තරමේ ඒ අරගල වල නායකයින්ට පුළුල් දැක්මක් තිබුනා. ඒ වගේම දේශපාලන සහ සටන් ක්‍රියාමාර්ග සංවිධානාත්මක ව්‍යුහයක් මතයි පදනම් වුනේ. බල ව්‍යුහය බිඳ දමන්නත්, පාලක පාර්ශව පළවා හරින්නත් පුළුවන් වුනේ ඒ නිසයි. විකල්ප සමාජ ආර්ථික දේශපාලන ව්‍යුහයන් ගොඩ නගන්න පුළුවන් වුනෙත් ඒ නිසයි.  

ප්‍රංශයේ, රුසියාවේ එහෙම වුනත් ලංකාවේ එහෙම වුනේ නෑ.  ලංකාවේ කරන්නේ විප්ලවයක් කියලත් සිද්ධ වුනේ විප්ලවයක් කියලත් සමහරු කිව්වත් හිතුවත්, එහෙම දෙයක් වෙලා නැති බව දැන්වත් අවබෝධ වෙන්න ඕන. ලොකු අකුරින් අරගලය පුරාවටම ලියවිලා තිබුනේ #gotagohome. පසුව චූටිම චූටි ෆොන්ට් සයිස් එකකින් #ranilgohome කියල වෙනස් වුනා තමයි. ඒත් කෝ අර බරපතල සිස්ටම් චේන්ජ් එක? දිනාගත්ත 'වෙනස' හරහා ඉඩම්, සාමය සහ ආහාර ලැබෙන ලකුණක් නැහැ. නිදහස, සමානාත්මතාවය සහ සහෝදරත්වය ලැබෙන ලකුණක් නැහැ. අඩුම තරමින් අරගල භූමියේ දක්නට ලැබුණු  නිදහස,සමානාත්මතාවය සහ සහෝදරත්වය අරගලකරුවන් අතරේ දැන් නැහැ. ඒ සියල්ල පුද්ගල කේන්ද්‍ර සටන් පාඨයකටම ලඝු වූ 'අරගලයක' තාර්කික අවසානය ලෙස හේදිලාම ගියා.  

මෙහෙම වුනේ ඇයි? අරගලය පුරාවට ආර්ථික අගහිඟකම් ගැන සටන් පාඨ තිබුනත්, සමස්ථ ආර්ථික අර්බුදය පුද්ගලයෙකුට නැත්නම් පවුලකට නැත්තම් පක්ෂයකට ලඝු කළා මිස අර්බුදයේ සංකීර්ණ සහ පුළුල් දේශපාලන ආර්ථික මූලයන් හොයන්න උත්සාහයක් තිබුනේ නෑ. ක්‍රමයක අවුල් පුද්ගලයෙකුට බැර කිරීම පහසුයි, තාවකාලික (සහ අවසානයේ සිල්ලර) ජයග්‍රහණයන් අත්පත් කරගන්න ප්‍රමාණවත් වුනා. එච්චරයි.

අරගලයට නැත්තම් අරගලකරුවන්ට හෝ නායකයින් කියලා හිතාගත්ත අයට අර්බුදය සහ අර්බුදයට අදාළ දීර්ග ඉතිහාසය සහ අර්බුදය නිර්මාණය වෙන සමස්ථ දේශපාලන ආර්ථිකය කියව ගන්න බැරිවුනා. ඒ ඇයි? අරගලකරුවන් සහ අරගලය ගැන විශ්වාසය තැබූ අය හමුවේ ඒ ප්‍රශ්නය ඉතුරු වෙලා තියෙනවා. එවැනි කියවීමක් වෙත යන්න අවශ්‍ය දැනුම නැති  නිසාද? වුවමනාවක් නැති නිසාද? ඒවා ගැන හොයන්න ගියොත් ලැබෙන උත්තර අනුව අරගලයට චිය(ර්)ස් දාපු දෙස් විදෙස් විද්වතුන්, හිතවතුන්, ගමන් සගයින් සහ මූල්‍යමය ආධාර සැපයු පරිත්‍යාගශීලී සිල්වත්තු උරණ වෙන්න ඉඩ තියෙන නිසාද?

එතකොට අරගලයේ සැබෑ පාර්ශවකරුවන් කවුද? කා සඳහාද කා වෙනුවෙන්ද අරගල කෙරුවෙ? උත්තරය: ජනතාව. ඒත් ජනතාවමද? ජනතාව කියන්නේ කාටද? මේවත් හොයන්න ඕන. 

අරගලයේ නිතරම කියවුනේ ජනතාව ගැනයි. ජන දුක, ජනතා අභිලාෂයන් ගැනයි. හැම තක්කඩි දේශපාලනඥයා වගේම අවසන් විග්‍රහයේදී අරගලයත් අරගලයේ ඊනියා නායකයිනුත් 'ජනතාව' කියන වචනය ගසා කෑව, තම තමන්ගේ පුද්ගල ඉල්ලක්ක සඳහා 'ජනතාව' දඩමීමා කරගත්තා. ඒ විතරක් නෙවෙයි, ජනතා නාමයෙන් පුද්ගලයින්ට එලව එළවා පහර දුන්නා, ගෙවල් ගිනි තිබ්බා, පුද්ගලයින්ට මරණ තර්ජන නිකුත් කළා, මැරුවා, පොදු දේපළ වලට හානි කළා, මංකොල්ල කෑවා. අරගලයට චියර්ස් දාපු අය එක්කෝ මේවා අනුමත කෙරුවා නැත්තම් නිහඬ අනුමැතිය දුන්නා.

අවසානයේ ඒ හැම දෙයක්ම අරගලයට පාරාවළල්ලක් වුනාට පස්සේ කිව්වේ 'බලයේ ඉන්න අරයයි මෙයයි අරක කෙරුව මේක කෙරුව, ඒවා ගැන කතා කරන්නේ නැතුව අරගලකරුවන්ගේ වැරදි හොයන්න එපා' කියලයි. ඒකෙ අත්තක් තියෙනවා. ඒත් අරයගෙයි මෙයාගෙයි අර වැරැද්දයි මේ වැරැද්දයි පෙන්වල දුන්න, ඒවාට විරුද්ධව කටයුතු කළ අරගලකරුවෝ හිටියේ නැද්ද? ඒ අයට අරගලයේ තක්කඩිකම් හෙලා දකින්න සදාචාර අයිතියක් තියෙනවා නේද? සමස්තයක් හැටියට නිහඬව හිටියා නේද? හොරකමේ, තක්කඩිකමේ ප්‍රමාණයන් තියෙනවා තමයි. ඒත් හොරකම හොරකමමයි. තක්කඩිකම තක්කඩිකමමයි.         

එසේනම් 'අරගලය' නැත්නම් පහුගිය මාස කිහිපය තුල ගෝල් ෆේස් කේන්ද්‍ර කරගෙන ක්‍රියාත්මක කළ 'අරගල' තේරුම් ගන්නේ කොහොමද? සර්ව අසුභවාදී වෙන්න අවශ්‍ය නැහැ.  විවිධ අගහිඟකම් හේතුවෙන් සමාජයේ විවිධ ක්ෂේත්‍ර තුල සහ සියලු සමාජ ස්ථර හරහා කණස්සල්ල, බිය සහ කෝපය ගොඩ නැගී ඒ සියලු වේදනා උද්ඝෝෂණ බවට පරිවර්ථනය වුනා. නේකවිධ කෛරාටිකයින්ට සහ පටු අරමුණු ඇති පුද්ගලයින්ට, සංවිධාන වලට සහ ඇතැම් රටවල් වලට රඟන්න වේදිකාවක් නිර්මාණය වුනේ එහෙමයි. සමහරු අරගල භූමියේ කොටස් තමන්ගේ ව්‍යාපෘති වලට නතු කරගත්තා. සමහරු තිරයෙන් පිටිපස සිට තම කාර්යයන් වල යෙදුනා. සමහරු විසිල් ගැහුවා, තක්කඩිකම් සාධාරණය කෙරුව. උද්දාමයට පත්ව තම තමන්ගේ වෘත්තීමය සදාචාරයන විශ්‍රාම යවපු අයද මේ අතර හිටියා. ඒ සියලු දෙනා ප්‍රීතියෙන් මෝහනය වූ නිසා තම තමන්ගේ රෙදි ගලවගත්තා. සමාජ මාධ්‍යයේ සටහන් වල ස්ක්‍රීන් ෂොට් නැතුව නොවේ.     

ඒ කෙසේ වෙතත්, අරගලය තුල පුටු මාරුවලට එහා ගිය, ව්‍යුහයන් වෙනස් කිරීමේ අභිලාෂයන් තිබුන සහ ගෝටා ගෙදර යැවීම ඒ දිගු ගමනේ අනිවාර්ය සහ පළමු පියවට පමණක් බව අවබෝධ කරගත් පිරිස් හිටියා. තවමත් ඒ පුළුල් අරගලය සහ අරමුණු වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටින සහ නැවතුන තැන සිට නැවත ක්‍රියාත්මක වීමේ අවශ්‍යතාවය හඳුනාගෙන ඒවෙනුවෙන් කරයුතු කරන බොහෝ අය ඉන්නවා. තමන් ඉත්තෝ බවට පත් වෙයි කියල එයාලා හීනෙකින් වත් හිතුවේ නැතුව ඇති. එහෙම නැත්තම් ඉත්තෝ වීම වළක්වන්න බැරි දෙයක්, පතන සමාජ විපර්යාසය වෙනුවෙන් ගෙවිය යුතු මිලක් කියලා හිතන්න ඇති. අරගලය පාවා දෙන්න සුදානම් අය ඉන්න බවත් එයාල හඳුනාගන්නේ කෙසේද කියලත් එවැනි බාධක ජයග්‍රහණය කරන්නේ කොහොමද කියලත් එවන් අරගලකරුවන් මේ ක්‍රියාවලිය තුල ඉගෙන ගන්න ඇති.  

විශේෂයෙන්ම  නිශ්චිත සහ පුළුල් සමාජ, ආර්ථික දේශපාලන දැක්මකින් තොර අසංවිධිත දේශපාලන ක්‍රියාවලි අවසන් වන්නේ සිස්ටම් චේන්ජ් එකකට මෙහා බවත්, ආ මග ඇත්තටම කෙටි බවත්, යායුතු මග එහෙමම ඉතුරුව ඇති බවත්, සිස්ටම් එක හිතුවට වඩා දෘඩ බවත්, විප්ලවය ඔය විදිහට කළ නොහැකි බවත් ඒ එඩිතර, අධිෂ්ටානශීලී, නිර්මාණශීලී ආදරණීය මිනිසුන් මේ වන විට අවබෝධ කරගෙන ඇති බව මම විශ්වාස කරනවා. රටේ හෙට දවස ගැන බලාපොරොත්තු තියාගන්න නම් මෙය විශ්වාස කළ යුතුමයි.  ආදරයට ඉඩක් ඉතුරු වෙන්නෙත් එහෙමමයි. අරගලය විප්ලවයක් දක්වා විකාශනය වෙන්න පුළුවන්. කොන්දේසි තියෙනවා. පාඩම් ඉගෙන ගැනීම ඉන් එකක්. පාඩම් ඉගෙනගනිමි සිටිනවා කියල හිතන්න මම ආසයි.

රැවටිලි එමටයි. රවට්ටන අය බොහෝයි. රැවටුනා වෙන්න පුළුවන්. යා යුතු මග යා යුතුමයි. යා නොයුතු මාර්ග 'යා යුතු මගමයි' කියල නම් කරත් කෙළවර වන්නේ ඉදිරියක් නැති තැන්වලයි. අරගලය නැවතිලා තියෙන්නේ එවැනි තැනකයි. ෆේක් අරගලකරුවන්ට ඒකෙ අවුලක් නැති වුනත්, සැබෑ විප්ලවවාදියාට එතැනින් නැවත ගමන පටන් ගන්න පුළුවන්. අර රුසියාවේ, චීනයේ, ප්‍රංශයේ, කියුබාවේ, වියෙට්නාමයේ සහ ඇතැම් යුග වල ලංකාවේ වුනා වගේ. 

අරගල, විප්ලව සහ දේශපාලයේ අවලස්සන යටිපැත්ත එන්සෝ ට්‍රැවර්සෝ ලියූ 'විප්ලවය: බුද්ධිමය ඉතිහාසයක්' (‘Revolution: an intellectual history’) නම් කෘතියේ විශිෂ්ට ලෙස විස්තර කරනවා.

'අරගලයක අරමුණ දේශපාලන  තන්ත්‍රයක් බිඳ දැමීම නොවේ; ඇත්තටම අරමුණ එහි නියෝජිතයින් වෙනස් කිරීමක්. අරගලකරුවන් සාමාන්‍යයෙන් ඉලක්ක කරන්නේ පුද්ගලයින් මිස පන්තීන්, ආයනත හෝ බලය නොවේ. එබැවින් ඔවුන්ගේ ක්ෂිතිජයන් පටු වේ, ආයු කාලයද කෙටි වේ. ඒවා ස්ථානික විය හැකි භූමියකට යම් නිශ්චිත අවකාශයකට සීමා වේ. විප්ලව මීට වෙනස්. බලාපොරොත්තු නිර්මාණය වන්නේ මතවාදයන් සහ යෝතෝපියානු ප්‍රක්ෂේපන ඔස්සේය. ඒවා ක්‍රියාවට නංවන්නේ ජකොබියානුවන් හෝ බෝල්ෂෙවික්වරුන් වැනි දේශපාලන ව්‍යාපෘති හා බැඳී බලවේගයන් වේ. ඔවුහු පවතින සමාජ දේශපාලන ව්‍යුහයන් වෙනස් කිරීම සඳහා සවිඥානිකව කැප වෙති. කෙටියෙන්, ඔවුන් ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කරන්නේ දැවැන්ත සහ ඇතැම් විට විශ්වීය අභිලාෂයන් ය.'

ට්‍රැවර්සෝ ලංකාවේ 'අරගලය' පුර්වාපේක්ෂා කෙරුවා වගේ. නේද?

21 July 2022

The Aragalaya: a postscript

 


Ranil Wickremesinghe is no longer president in an acting capacity. He is the president, period. Did someone say ‘I don’t know whether to laugh or cry?’ I am pretty sure someone did. Did someone say, ’who wudda thunk?’ Well, if two or three years ago, if anyone suggested that in July 2023 Ranil Wickremesinghe would be the president of this country, there would have been laughter and tears, if at all, would have been of mirth.

But get this: he is legit. Yes, he barely got into Parliament. Yes, his party returned just a single member and this only through the National List. And yet, as per constitutional provisions, he was legitimately elected President. Interestingly, his ascension is similar to that of his uncle, J R Jayewardene in 1978. There was no Presidential Election in 1978. The newly elected United National Party, with JR as Prime Minister enacted a new constitution with a provision for Parliament to elect a president with executive powers. It was only in 1982 that JR actually faced a presidential election; one which was fraught with allegations of widespread malpractice over and above the fact that his government stripped Sirimavo Bandaranaike, the individual with the best chance of defeating him, of her civil rights.

2022 is a different kind of year/situation. Wickremesinghe was appointed Prime Minister by the  politically beleaguered President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Wickremesinghe’s legitimacy came into question. That was in May. Today, he is the president as per the majority will of Parliament. Today, however, there are still people questioning his legitimacy on account of his party’s and the number of votes garnered at the last General Election. However, until such time an election is held, parliamentary or presidential, there’s no other mechanism to test the legitimacy of the illegitimacy-claims.

How did we get to this, some vociferous ‘Aragalists’ are asking themselves and anyone willing to listen. Interestingly, that question betrays a curious and all things considered irresponsible understanding of political processes, including provisions for change enshrined in the constitution. Let’s elaborate.

If ‘single-minded’ was what the Aragalaya was about then it was apparent in one thing alone: the slogan “#gotagohome.” Aragalists, for the most part, pooh-poohed those who asked ‘and afterwards, what/who?’ First things first, they said. In other words, they deliberately back-shelved the question pertaining to post-Gotabaya Sri Lanka.

As it might have been expected, the protest lost must vim and vigour the moment the demanded outcome materialised. Some even posed, first cautiously and later quite vigorously, that the aragalaya (in other words, the aragalists) should go home. It looks like some were happy to take home a consolation prize while for others it was THE prize, i.e. evicting the Rajapaksas from the political stage. In all this, one thing is startlingly conspicuous by its very absence: zero effort to address the systemic flaws that pushed Sri Lanka over the brink, flaws that were deliberately created, sustained and made worse over almost half a century. So it was just a power game, nothing more, nothing less.

At the end of the day, Ranil Wickremesinghe has become the de facto leader of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna or, as someone might say, he has skillfully taken over that party. How he deals with the SLPP and how he performs as president is of course left to be seen, but that’s for later. Right now, his detractors within and without parliament (and these probably include many who supported Gotabaya Rajapaksa) are left to rue what may have been. How they regroup, re-imagine Sri Lanka and re-think strategy, is also left to be seen.

These turn of events have produced many questions. First and foremost, while there’s no denying the widespread displeasure and anger at the previous government (opposition which congealed naturally into an anti-Gotabaya riot of sorts or rather a ‘bread-riot’ wrapped in the #gotagohome streamer), it also provided fertile ground for all manner of political racketeers. They were essentially peddling their wares at Galle Face. Some had axes to grind. Some were far more devious, far better organised and focused. It has come to light that the US Embassy was thick in its involvement, funding directly and indirectly media outfits, 'research' institutes, think-tanks, NGOs, activists and social media operatives, many with pretty sick histories. Twitter feeds, instagram and Facebook posts leave trails. Makes for interesting reading. More will be known soon.

However, it is left to be seen whether such movers and shakers thought beyond #gotagohome. Is Ranil Wickremesinghe the desired ‘outcome’? It’s hard to tell. The aragalists, after all, began targeting Wickremesinghe the moment he was appointed as Prime Minister. The US Ambassador, perhaps covering all bases, exposed the JVP leader to endless vilification from left circles with endorsement that stopped just short of cuddles and kisses. She however tweeted that Wickremesinghe’s appointment as premier was a necessary first step. The JVP, after pooh-poohing the aragalaya in early April, attempting to hijack it later on by saying it needed a head (essentially ridiculing aragalists for being airheads, at best), later claiming outright ownership and on Wednesday putting forward Anura Kumara Dissanayake as presidential candidate and losing, now stands in opposition to the new government. Friends inside and friends outside. Happy times, certainly.

Reality check all around, though. The aragalaya is now positioned to shed the instigators with shady agenda who were living in the pockets of foreign governments, religious organizations and such. The nationalists have got rid of the Rajapaksa dead weight that had in effect crippled them. The Kolombians have distanced themselves from wannabe Kolombians. Wannabe Kolombians have been rudely awakened to the fact that in the face of Kolombians they are just another set of rowdies whose only redeeming feature was that at a particular moment in history they stood against their longtime nemesis, the Rajapaksas.

So, is this some kind of postscript for the aragalaya? Not necessarily. It didn’t start with any talk of bringing Ranil Wickremesinghe to power and it need not end with him becoming president. Time is long. Battles are lost but this doesn’t mean wars will also be lost. Betrayals are part of the story. Disappointments are to be expected. Falling short is not a crime. Some people, mostly youth, with exemplary idealism, courage, determination and innovative rush, decided to fight. It is unfair to ridicule them for not having emerged victorious. The aragalaya, some say gleefully, is dead. Some aragala, i.e. in the plural, did die, some would wounded, some retired hurt and some just quit. There’s another aragalaya that still breathes. Sobered, perhaps. That’s a good thing.  


[Malinda Seneviratne is the Director/CEO of the Hector Kobbekaduwa Agrarian Research and Training Institute. These are his personal views.]


16 July 2022

Vee da (වීද) hoo da (හූද) people?

Sri Lankans make a unique and hilarious knicker-twisted nation, exasperated over lengthy fuel lines to the point of ousting a president and then entire families sweating lengthier lines under umbrellas to see his residence.


Any uprising cast as being spontaneous invariably runs into a bunch of problems, the most serious being the one about credentials. Who speaks for the aragalaya, one could ask. If anyone claims he/she speaks for the aragalaya (and many have, as individuals or groups), the immediate question is, who gave him/her the authority and on what grounds? This of course doesn’t necessarily mean that spontaneous mass uprisings are bad or are bound to fail. Sometimes things unfold and it is in the unfolding that leaders emerge.  

As one might expect, the surge, whether all spontaneous or subtlety orchestrated (yes, such things happen too), made many want to have a piece of it. It was a low-cost adventure for many who had for years benefitted from a rotten system but had never once complained. Yes, they would whine now and then when preferred parties/politicians were out of power but even when sworn enemies were in power, they never balked at exploiting the very same rotten system.  

There were those kinds of people, largely Kolombians who had most likely voted for Ranil/UNP or Sajith/SJB, Kolombians who were suffering from lifestyle deprivation but were certainly not feeling anything like the pinch that most people in the country were experiencing. They were a small but significant minority in the aragalaya. Their posts were in English. When they tried to speak in Sinhala, it was actually funny.  Mind you, the issue was not that Sinhala was not their mother tongue.

Why am I talking about these politically marginal set of people, you may be wondering. Well, there’s a note that’s being circulated titled ‘’Why did we join the aragalaya?’ It is signed by ‘We, the people.’ Obviously convenient but possible dodgy.  An interesting and telling read, though.  

Here it is:

1. WE…protested against the Rajapaksa regime.  2. WE…protested against corruption, nepotism, violation of the rule of law and of human rights. 3. WE…protested in favour of economic stability, civil liberties and rights, the upholding of the constitution, the legislature and the preservation of our democratic values. 4. WE…protested as a Sri Lankan along with my brothers and sisters, for what I believed would be a new future for my country that is shaped in accordance with our constitution. 5. WE…DID NOT PROTEST in favour of anarchy, violence or to empower subversive elements who would deem to overthrow our democratic values. What’s happening now is NOT OUR ARAGALAYA!


In Number 4, there’s a slip from ‘we’ to ‘I’.  I noticed in similar posts that this has been since corrected. It’s a personal angst obviously, but then again it is collectively subscribed to, going simply by the fact that it is being shared on multiple social media platforms. Ok, that’s out of the way.

So, ‘these people’ claim they protested against the Rajapaksa regime. Fair enough. They’ve protested against corruption, nepotism, violation of the rule of law and of human rights. Again, legit. Now, is it the case that all these nasties (corruption, nepotism, violation of the rule of law and of human rights) was the preserve of Gotabaya Rajapaksa or indeed the Rajapaksa clan? Obviously not. We saw such things galore even during the Yahapalana times during which there was little ‘yaha’ and even less  ‘palana’ and, mind you, without having to deal with decades long buttressing of the import mafia, dependency on remittances and tourism, Covid-19 related shocks that lasted for two whole years etc.

Here are some questions: did ‘these people’ a) benefit or not from ‘the system’? b) did they always vote SLFP (or SLFP-led coalition) or did they vote for Ranil/UNP or Sajith/SJB? c) did they ever protest these nasties when the UNP or UNP-led coalition or coalitions the UNP was part of?

There’s talk of economic stability, civil liberties and rights, the upholding of the constitution, legislature and the preservation of democratic values. Lovelies, all of them, BUT, again, were these things sitting pretty until November 2019? We can run through three to four decades, name parties, name individuals and name ideologies and policies that took potshots at one and all. So here’s the question: did these worthies utter a single word about those other transgressions?

The darlings are claiming that they did not favour anarchy, violence or empowerment of subversive elements who would deem to overthrow democratic values. Lovely. Let’s break it down.

Anarchy. Violence. Subversion. Democratic Values. Repeat after me. Anarchy. Violence. Subversion. Democratic Values. Anarchy. Violence. Subversion. Democratic Values. Anarchy. Violence. Subversion. Democratic Values. Anarchy. Violence. Subversion. Democratic Values. Anarchy. Violence. Subversion. Democratic Values.

Throughout this aragalaya there were calls for and affirmation of anarchy. Sure, not all aragalists were anarchists in ideological bent or in action, but only the myopic and naive could dismiss the possibility that anarchy of the worst kind was festering and could very well erupt. Forget all that. Did these lovelies who are now in whine-land ever once say ‘hey, hey, hey…ease off guys’? Mirihana. Rambukkana. Warakapola. Temple Trees. Galle Face. President’s House. Ranil Wickremesinghe’s residence. Parliament. And let’s not forget the vandalism, arson, thuggery etc., that followed the unleashing of thugs from Temple Trees by forces beholden to or controlled at  that time Mahinda Rajapaksa. Who called for, who indeed demanded anarchy and violence? Who called for and demanded subversion, who indeed subverted? What were the democratic values affirmed by pillage, destruction of public property, arson and thuggery? Why this sorrow now, but not then? Is it ok to be selective about these things? Is it ok to just go along, look askance when unpleasant things happen until the process yields an outcome that is, well, ok? And if the outcome is ok for you but not for others, if those others continue to do what you called for, cheered, took part in perhaps or supported one way or another, do you have a moral right to object?  

Regardless of who started the fire (and it was certainly not lit in November 2019), if those who were mandated to quash it did not or could not, regardless of unforeseen and unfortunate circumstances (Covid-19, which by the way Gotabaya Rajapaksa did much to quash — efforts which were scoffed at by, I suspect, ‘these [very] people’: no cheers for all that by the way), then they can, do and even must come under fire, so to speak.

People were angry. People protested. Legit. People made demands that could not be delivered. That’s ok, for that is all legitimate in politics. Gotabaya could have come clear, said the unpalatable truths, expressed regret for errors despite good intention (let’s say), stated options being considered (if there were any) or simply said ‘there is a crisis of legitimacy, I agree, and therefore I believe that the democratic thing to do is to hold elections so the people can decide for themselves.’ He didn’t. Is that enough to call for his blood, though? If it was enough, then why didn’t ‘these people’ call for the blood of other who did much worse for so many decades?

Democracy. Let’s get back to the word/term. There are values associated with democracy and ‘these people’ have mentioned this. There’s also a thing called ‘representation.’ And so, sorry lady/ladies and/or gentleman/men, we need to unpack ‘the people’ a little, if you don’t mind.

How do we know what a collective really wants? How do we obtain the popular will? Well, elections. Sometimes there are mass uprisings. Mass uprisings can be orchestrated, particularly in times of hardship, but let’s assume that’s not what happened here, just for argument’s sake. So yes, there’s a mass uprising. What was it about? Well, it was reduced to evicting an elected president. There were some noises about system change, yes, but nothing to write home about.

And so you had ostensibly classless, religion-free, ethnicity-erased and even ideology-free people coming together. They even said it was a ‘nirpaakshika aragalaya’ or a struggle free of political parties. Now, they got what they wanted: Gota left. All well and good. Now what?  Struggle done and dusted? Victory achieved? Now that Gota has gone home, should everyone else also go home? But why should everyone go home? There was no agreement was there that if and when Gota does go home, everyone would pack up and go home themselves? Things evolve and even if they didn’t, there are people out there who are not necessarily ‘these people.’ They have political aspirations whose shelf life haven’t expired. There was no referendum on what ought to happen, after all. It was assumed that the entire country, the entire voting population wanted Gota out. Now, without a referendum, can anyone claims that the entire country wants the aragalaya to fold up and the aragalists to go home? That’s the problem of representation. No election, no way to verify anything like that. If some want to go home, sure. If others don’t, so be it. And those who left cannot tell those who didn’t ‘well, the kind of anarchy we cheered is no longer acceptable.’

Democracy. There’s more to it. ‘These people’ didn’t give a hoot about established democratic procedures and institutions until Gota left. They didn’t give a hoot about constitutionally sanctioned procedures. Now, all of a sudden, they are swearing by the very same institutions, values and processes they themselves were ever ready to subvert.

‘These people’ claim, ‘What’s happening now is NOT [THEIR] ARAGALAYA! So what happened before ‘no’ WAS their aragalaya? The arson, thuggery, looting, pillage and destruction of public and private property before July 9 WAS their kind of Aragalaya? And is it that THEIR aragalaya is done? Is Sri Lanka now ‘all set’? Is there no political crisis any more? Has the economic crisis been resolved?  

Let’s hypothetically fast-forward to, say, August 9, 2022. There are still long queues for petrol and diesel. There’s still galloping inflation. The constitution is intact (interesting fact: talk of repealing the 20th, restoring the 19th and so on seems to have disappeared). Presidential powers: intact. Sajith Premadasa is the President. There is no IMF bailout or there is and they’ve imposed conditions which exacerbate inequities and deprivation over and above ensuring chronic dependency and slavery. People are as or more anxious, fearful and incensed as they were in April, May, June and early July, 2022. The people storm the barricades. The people weather teargas, disregard water cannons, brush aside policemen and soldiers and aim to re-take President’s House, Temple Trees, Prime Minister’s office and the Presidential Secretariat. What would be the take of ‘these people’? Would they spur the aragalists to do what they’ve done in all these past few months? Would they say ‘go ahead and threaten politicians’? Would they, on social media platforms egg them on to search, ransack and burn houses? And if all that did happen, would ‘these people’ (as they did before) remain mum?

‘These people’ are not woolly-headed. They are not in cloud cuckoo land. They knew and know what they wanted/want. There are outcome preferences that have nothing to do with systems, systemic flaws and assaults on the rule of law, democratic institutions and values, and human rights.  

‘We the people.’ I would love it if anyone who has posted, re-posted or shared that note has the courage to put his/her name to it. Then, we can do a background check and figure out who is who and what is what. In the name of democracy, decency, transparency etc., etc., etc. How about it, ‘[the] people’?
 

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ලෙයට ලෙය වෙනුවට ආලය

පුද්ගල චරිත මතුවේ, නිර්පාක්ෂික හැව ගැලැවේ, අරගලය ඉදිරියටම....

The BASL Proposals: A review

 

 

 
[Malinda Seneviratne is the Director/CEO of the Hector Kobbekaduwa Agrarian Research and Training Institute. These are his personal views.]



 

 


25 June 2022

The international community, the opposition and the people

 


Gotabaya Rajapaksa is the worst President we’ve had. He’s the worst leader, counting all presidents, prime ministers, ministers, chairpersons of local government authorities and maranaadhara samithi. He’s the worst Sri Lankan ever. Let’s assume.

Let’s assume that as the all-powerful Executive President, all ills are attributable to him. Let’s assume that although this implies that he can lay claim to all positives, he had nothing to do with effectively handling the Covid-19 situation, the vaccination drive and enforcement of safety protocols which (by the way) eventually enabled and empowered those who hate him the most (and whose hatred is rooted in political preferences and other things that predates the current economic crises) to rub shoulders with fellow political travelers in demonstrations, protest marches, arson, theft and thuggery. Let’s assume that he did nothing at all.

No, let’s go further. Let’s assume that Covid-19 was an insidious creation of Gotabaya Rajapaksa himself, a virus which he unleashed on the world with the express intent of wrecking the tourism sector, effecting a serious dent in remittances by expatriate workers, restricting movement etc., etc. Let’s assume that all this in aggregate made himself eminently eligible to the tag ‘party-pooper.’

Today, we are in the midst of an unprecedented economic crisis. Today, more than ever before, we have been forced to think about things like energy security, food security, food and nutritional sovereignty, the need for development banks and the folly of embracing uncritically and indeed nurturing to near perfection an import mafia. Let’s assume, though, that Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s rhetoric and action with regard to at least two of the above, namely renewable energy and environment-friendly agriculture, had nothing to do with such ‘needs.’

Let us not assume but acknowledge that regardless of intent, overall understanding and objectives pertaining to sovereignty that Gotabaya Rajapaksa was largely unsuccessful. Let’s assume that this had nothing to do with the resilience of entrenched interests of corporate thugs and public racketeers, but let’s not assume but rather acknowledge that party and family played a massive role in scuttling good intention, not just about energy and agriculture but basic management of the economy, upholding procedures established to ensure fiscal discipline, robust and meaningful tax regimes etc. Let’s not assume but acknowledge that Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s greatest failure was that he could not (or would not) unfetter himself from party and family.

Forget all that. Let’s return to the first assumption. Let us repeat. Gotabaya Rajapaksa is the worst President we’ve had. He’s the worst leader, counting all presidents, prime ministers, ministers, chairpersons of local government authorities and maranaadhara samithi. He’s the worst Sri Lankan ever. Let’s assume.

We should mention, at least parenthetically, that he is but (and at worst) a symptom of systemic flaw. At least that’s what those who can see beyond personality and party could (but probably for reasons of political convenience do not) conclude. Never mind. Let’s assume ‘Gota is the System’ and kid ourselves that getting rid of him gives us system-change. Well, let’s say it paves the way for system-change. Yes, let’s not talk about utter naïveté in these matters. Let’s assume. Let’s conclude.

Now, treating all assumptions as established fact, let us wave the flag of the logical response: ‘Gota should go!’ How do we move from there, i.e. beyond a slogan whose utterers aren’t political innocents and among whom are those who have benefited for decades (as a class and as individuals) or else are ill-educated about constitutions, constitutional reform and the whole brouhaha over amendments (the draft 21st was shot down by the Supreme Court, whose observations amount to law-makers being given a resounding F on the subject of ‘Constitutionality’)?

Of course Gotabaya Rajapaksa can resign. Can happen, but hasn’t. He can be removed, constitutionally. Can happen, but hasn’t. And so we have pundits saying ‘the people, the international community and the Opposition’ have to come together to remove him. In essence, to secure the numbers necessary to remove him constitutionally. He can be ousted in other ways, but no one is seriously talking about ‘revolution’ here. Revolution would include system-change and ‘system’ would include the economic theories (sic) that went a long way to bring us to where we are, dealings with the IMF and other Bretton Woods Institutions etc., but no one is seriously considering such options right now. It’s just ‘Gota must go,’ or ‘The international community, the Opposition and the people must get together  and send Gota away.’  Thereafter, parliament (or rather ‘The Opposition’) can figure out who should be the next president. Lovely.

Let’s get back to the movers and shakers. The international Community, one. Yeah right! Do they mean, the US, UK, EU and other members of The Quad? Now if those are the addresses to which grievance are addressed and succour sought, good luck!

The Opposition, two. Yeah right! And yeah, those who want Gota sent away utter not a word about capabilities of the current Opposition (never mind legitimacy which is ultimately measurable only through the ballot). The Opposition, if we just take the SJB and the JVP, essentially back-stabbed the ‘Aragalaya’ and ‘Aragalists,’ not to mention the fact that they deliberately planned to pursue their party interests by preying on general anxiety, fear and anger. Sajith Premadasa and Anura Kumara Dissanayake hilariously claimed that they would take up the prime minister’s post if Gotabaya Rajapaksa resigned. Each ought to have been more honest and said ‘I become PM if Gota resigns, and then I have the inside track to the Presidency.’ Anyone who places bets on such dishonest people and parties (whose track records are as bad or worse than those of the SLPP) are ridiculously naive or at least politically suspect. The SLFP, then? Really?  

‘The people,’ three. Now that’s a different category altogether. We cannot and should not say ‘yeah, right!’ or be dismissive in some other way. Democracy is about the people. How do we measure the weight of the people factor, though? The numbers at protests, the decibel levels of the rhetoric? Yes, in a way, never mind that among these ‘people’ are agents provocateurs and others whose political history doesn’t make one really cheer, especially given long and profound silence about what ‘the system’ has done and to whom for decades.

In a way, yes, ‘The people’ count.  They need to be counted. Literally.  My friend Sugath Kulatunga, commenting on dubious individuals including ‘intellectuals,’ professionals, the clergy and artists marking ‘presence’ at Galle Face, made a pertinent observation.

‘I believe [they] have had no lessons in Civics at school and are not aware that Sri Lanka is a democracy with a written constitution where tenets of majority rule and rule of law are enshrined.’

If you want to step out of all that, by all means. Just don’t dabble in constitutions and parliamentary affairs. A precedent set where a bunch of people even with legitimate reasons to protest (and the legitimacy of the protests are indisputable, let us not forget) browbeat the elected and obtain eviction without measuring the true nature of a) popular discontent, and b) agreement about the would-be successor’s ability to turn things around does not bode well for participatory democracy.

The silliness of all this talk about the Gota-Ranil combine being a failure is easily measured by a simple question: name another combine that can deliver. The truth is, politicians and parties as they stand today, given histories and fixations about economics, cannot deliver us from the evils they’ve showered us with. We might have to look elsewhere, but certainly not at the international community, the Opposition or ‘people’ who are deliberately left undefined.

Anarchy, then, by all means, but then call it that. Just don’t sugar-coat it with democracy-speak.


[Malinda Seneviratne is the Director/CEO of the Hector Kobbekaduwa Agrarian Research and Training Institute. These are his personal views.'


19 May 2022

Personalities and Systems

‘The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte,’ one of the more literary essays written by Karl Marx famously, contains many quotable quotes which are of course frequently used in contexts that have little to do with the thrust of the man’s thinking. This, however, is apt for our times: ‘Men make their own history, but they do not make it as they please; they do not make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances existing already, given and transmitted from the past.’ Pierre Bourdieu, the French sociologist who concerned himself with the dynamics of power, captured the same issue of structure and agency in ‘Distinction,’ speaking of structuring structures and structured structures.  

The overbearing nature of structures and how they weigh upon the universe of the possible are too often forgotten, perhaps mostly because public anger/perception focuses on personalities and their strength, weaknesses and idiosyncrasies. People vote for people. People vote for parties, but political organizations are judged less by ideologies and programs than by those identified with them.

Over the past six weeks or so, people did talk about ‘systems’ but if pushed to describe these, few would have gone beyond ‘the executive presidency.’ It was easier, as it has always been, to pick (on) an individual. So we got #gotagohome. Then we got, what is essentially a reboot without disturbing the structures or foundations. As some wit put it, ‘in 2015, Maithri became the de facto leader of the UNP; in 2022 Ranil became the de facto leader of the pohottuwa.’ Regardless of how many votes Ranil Wickremesinghe received, regardless of whether or not parliamentary strength reflects popular support (which of course cannot be precisely ascertained this side of an election), within Parliament, Wickremesinghe’s legitimacy is now established — the majority accept his leadership.  

Now all this seems to have floored many in the much talked of ‘aragalaya.’ Even Dr Harini Amarasuriya, the National List MP of the JVP, obviously one of the better informed parliamentarians and certainly someone equipped to engage in intelligent debate seemed to be surprised. She tweeted the following:

‘Ok, let’s talk stability. 1. @GotabayaR resigns, 2. Interim govt formed, 3. Constitutional amendments, 4. Election. Why wasn’t this an option? How is appointing a person with a single seat in parliament as PM going to ensure stability?’

So, Gotabaya Rajapaksa resigns, let's assume. What next? Well, as per the constitution, Parliament has to elect a successor. Who? Anura Kumara Dissanayake, the leader of her party? Well, we’ll get to that presently. Let’s assume MP X succeeds Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Let’s assume an interim government is formed. We then come to constitutional amendments. All talk of constitutional amendment is reducible to a. Repealing the 20th Amendment and replacing it with the 19th Amendment, b) strengthening the resultant ‘independent institutions,’ c) inclusion of robust auditing mechanisms.

Harini must have read the 20th and the 19th. Would she claim that the 19th is flawless (apart from weaknesses of independent institutions as per the BASL proposals)? We haven’t heard the JVP talk about the composition of the Constitutional Council (in the 19th) or ‘national government’ being left undefined. Few talk about the passage of the 19th and how it made a mockery of judicial review or, for that matter, the fact that the architects of the 20th followed judicial recommendations to the letter.

Among the changes to the constitution is the abolishing of the executive presidency. Neither the BASL nor constitutional tinkerers seem to have bothered the consequences in a context where the 13th Amendment remains untouched.

So, to the question, ‘why was this not an option?’  An option for whom? What’s forgotten here is that at the end of the day options can only be considered by the incumbent and the Parliament; what’s opted for is essentially reflective of the power balance in the latter. It can’t be the case that a bunch of NGOs or ragtag parties or a diplomatic cabal gets to choose among options, certainly not if ‘solutions’ have to be found within the framework of the existing constitution. Outside of it, of course, there’s revolution, but that’s something the JVP seems to have abandoned ages ago and it’s not something that the aragalists seem to be serious about since the focus has been, from Day One, on personality (and to a lesser degree family/clan and party), and not on system and structure.

‘How is appointing a person with a single seat in parliament as PM going to ensure stability?’ This is an interesting question in and of itself and amusing too, coming from Harini. Yes, Wickremesinghe obtained less than 3% of the vote from the Colombo District, keyword ‘district.’ In 2020, the Jathika Jana Balavegaya, led by the JVP, polled 60,600 votes in Colombo (5.72%). The UNP’s slice country-wide was 249, 435 (2.15%) whereas the JJB got 445,958 (3.84%). Harini’s got a point.

However, one wonders if Harini raised an eyebrow when AKD demanded Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s resignation as a precondition for accepting the Prime Minister’s post, essentially saying ‘get out and make way for me to become your successor.’ AKD got 418,553 votes (3.16%) at the last presidential election (Sajith Premadasa got 5.6 million or 42% while Rajapaksa got 6.9m or 52%). Again, remember, legitimacy thereafter can only be obtained via elections. So, what’s AKD’s legitimacy? So, what’s the legitimacy of the JJB to assume control? ‘Better than Ranil’s’ is a legitimate answer but it falls short, way short, of claims that cannot be scoffed at.

The larger question is not related to the season of silliness vis-à-vis legitimacy questions/claims; it is the fixation with individuals, the strange desire for a saviour. Brecht put it well in ‘Galileo’ who, responding to his student Andrea Sarti’s bitter remark ‘unhappy is the land that has no hero,’ pointed out, ‘no, Andrea, unhappy is the land that needs a hero.’

Wickremesinghe has a tough task and needs to be given credit for taking it on in the worst of circumstances. Whether he would deliver, what he would deliver and when he would deliver are left to be seen. For now, there’s political stability, relatively speaking. Those who wanted Rajapaksa’s head on a platter may want his as well tomorrow. Those who focus on personalities love ‘off with the head’ and seldom pause to reflect on the fact that heads can get replaced but if systems remain intact ‘change’ is cosmetic. At best.

As for the aragalaya/aragalists, the work is not even half done. Surfaces have been scratched, certainly, but a bit of polish sorts such things out easily. Enough? Harini Amarasuriya, despite being ‘clipped’ so to speak by party loyalty, would probably say, ‘hardly.’

malindadocs@gmail.com

[Malinda Seneviratne is the Director/CEO of the Hector Kobbekaduwa Agrarian Research and Training Institute. These are his personal views.]