Showing posts with label Sri Lanka crisis. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Sri Lanka crisis. Show all posts

26 February 2023

රනිල් ටියුෂන් ගන්නේ කාගෙන්ද?


වෘත්තීය සමිති කියන විදිහට රට පාලනය කරන්න බැරි බව ජනාධිපති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ පහුගියදා පැවසුවා. රනිල් හරි. ජනාධිපති බැඳිලා නැහැ වෘත්තීය සමිති කියන විදිහට කිසිම දෙයක් කරන්න.  ඒත් රනිල් නොකියපු දෙයක් තියෙනවා. පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ කිසිම කෙනෙක් රනිල්ගෙන් අහපු නැති දෙයකුත් තියෙනවා. මේකයි ප්‍රශ්නේ: 'රනිල්, ඔයා කවුරු කියන විදිහටද රට පාලනය කරන්නේ?  

ජනතාව කියන විදිහටද? එහෙමනම් ඉතින් ජනතා නියෝජිතයින්, ඒ කියන්නේ පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරු, කියන විදිහටනේ කරන්න ඕන. ඒත් මෙතන ප්‍රශ්නයක් තියෙනවා. පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ට නාමික ජනවරමක් තියෙනවා, ඒක ඇත්ත. ඒ වුනාට පහුගිය මාස 12 තුල ඇතිවූ දේශපාලන විපර්යාස වලින් ගම්‍ය වෙන්නේ ඒ ජනවරම (අඩුම තරමින්) පලුදු වෙලා කියලයි. හේදිලා ගිහින් කියල කියන්නත් පුළුවන්, ඒත් ඒ බව මැතිවරණයකින් මෙහා කිසිම දෙයකින් හරියටම සනාථ කරන්න බෑ. අනික රනිල් කවද්ද මන්ත්‍රීලගේ අදහස් විමසුවේ, නේද?

කෙසේ වෙතත්, තමන්ට ජන වරමක් නැති බව රනිල්ට පවා පිළිගන්න වෙනවා. 1978 ව්‍යවස්ථාව ප්‍රකාරව විධායකය සතු බලතල සලකා බලද්දී, මේ ජනවරමක් නොමැති ජනාධිපතිට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ බහුතරයක් ඇති මුත් දේශපාලනිකව අප්‍රාණික වූ පොහොට්ටුවේ මන්ත්‍රීවරු අවනත විය යුතු වේ. මෙය ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය නොවේ. මෙය නොයෝජිත ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදයේ විකෘතියක්ම වේ.

නැවත මුල් ප්‍රශ්නය වෙත යමු. 'රනිල් කවුරු කියන විදිහටද රට පාලනය කරන්නේ?'

තමන්ගේ හිතු මතේට ද?  වෙන්න පුළුවන්. එහෙමනම් ඉතින් ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය වගේ වචන පාවිච්චි කරන එක රනිල් වහාම නැවැත්විය යුතුයි. රනිල් තමන්ට ඕන දේ කරනවා කියන එක භයානකයි, මන්ද ඒ සියල්ල පදනම් වෙන්නේ රනිල්ගේ ඕන එපාකම් අනුවයි. ඉතින් මොන කරණමක් ගහල හෝ බලයේ සිටීමට රනිල්ට අවශ්‍යනම් කරණම් කෝටියක් වුනත් ගහයි. ඒ එයාගේ අවශ්‍යතාවයන් සාක්ෂාත් කරගන්න. රනිල්ට රට අවශ්‍ය නැත්තම් රට විකුණන වැඩපිළිවෙලකට වුනත් ප්‍රවේශ වෙන්න බැරි නෑ. දැනටමත් ඒ පාර දිගේ රනිල් සෑහෙන්න දුරක් ගිහින් බව පැහැදිළියි.

හිතුමතේට වැඩ කරන අය තමන්ට කැමති ගුරුවරුන්ගෙන් ටියුෂන් ගැනීම සාමාන්‍යයි. ටියුෂන් ගුරුවරු නෙවෙයි, 'අඩෝ මෙහෙම කරපිය' කියල ගෝලීය හෝ කලාපීය බලවතෙක් කියනවනම් ජනතා මතය නොවිමසා එයාලට අවනත වෙන්න පුළුවන්. හිතුමතේට. දීන, අඥාන, තක්කඩි නායකයිගේ සිරිත මෙය වේ.  

රනිල්ගේ යාළුවෝ කවුද? රනිල් බය කාටද? මේවට උත්තර දෙන්න වෙන්නේ රනිල්ටම තමයි. ඉතින් අපිට ඉතුරු වෙන්නේ පුද්ගලයින් සහ රටවල් සඳහන් කරලා, 'රනිල් ඔයා මෙයාලගෙන්ද ටියුෂන් ගන්නේ, රනිල් ඔයා මෙයාලටද බය?' කියල අහන එක විතරයි.

රනිල් අවවාද උපදෙස් ගන්නේ මෛත්‍රී වික්‍රමසිංහගෙන් ද? එදා මෙදා තුර සෙවනැල්ලක් සේ තමා ලඟින්ම සිටින සාගල රත්නායකගෙන්ද? මලික් සමරවික්රමගෙන්ද? අඛිල විරාජ් කාරියවසම්ගෙන්ද? එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ කෘත්‍යාධිකාරී මණ්ඩලයෙන් ද (එහෙම එකක් තියෙනවද, තියෙනවනම් පක්සහය සජිත්ගේ සමගි ජන බලවේගයට හේදිලා ගියාට පස්සේ කවුද ඉතුරුවෙලා ඉන්නේ වගේ ප්‍රශ්න නැතුව නොවේ)? ජනාධිපති ලේකම්ගෙන්ද? අර්ජුන මහේන්ද්‍රන්ගෙන්ද? 'ගොටාගොගම' හා අනන්‍ය වූ හැමෝගෙම වෛරයට ලක් වුනු බැසිල් රාජපක්ෂගෙන්ද? මහින්දගෙන්ද? නාමල්ගෙන්ද? චන්ද්‍රිකාගෙන්ද? ධම්මික පෙරේරාගෙන්ද? ඩඩ්ලි සිරිසේනගෙන්ද?

රනිල්ට රට පාලනය ගැන ටියුෂන් දෙන්නේ බන්දුල ගුණවර්ධනද? සන්නස්ගල සර්ද? සුමේධ සර්ද? සාරදා මැඩම්ද? රට පුරා ටියුෂන් කඩවල උපකාරක පංති පවත්වන ගුරුවරුන්ගෙන් සැදුම්ලත් උපකාරක සභාවක අධ්‍යක්ෂ මණ්ඩලයද රනිල්ද රට පාලනයේ අයන්න ආයන්න කයල දෙන්නේ?

රනිල් අවවාද උපදෙස් ගන්නේ සාලිය පීරිස්ගෙන්වත්ද? මැල්කම් රන්ජිත් කාදිනල්තුමාගෙන්ද? පාස්ටර් ජෙරෝම්ගෙන්වත්ද? ක්‍රිකට් පාලක මණ්ඩලයෙන්ද? රාජකීය විද්‍යාලයේ ආදී ශිෂ්‍ය සංගමයෙන්ද? මහින්ද තරම්ම ලෙන්ගතු වූ අනුර කුමාර දිසානායකගෙන්ද?සජිත්ගේ ඊර්ශියාවට හෝ වෛරයට හෝ දෙකටම ලක්ව සමගි ජන බලවේගයෙන් ඉවත් වූ චම්පික රණවකගෙන්ද? කවදත් එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයට ආදරේ කරන ජාතියක් ජන්මයක් නැති, සිංහලයාට සහ සිංහලත්වයට, බෞද්ධයාට සහ බුද්ධාගමට ගැරහීම හුස්ම ගැනීම හා සමාන දෙයක් ලෙස සලකන කොලොම්බියානුවන්ගෙන්ද? සංයුතිය හංගලා බහු ආගමික බහු ජාතික වගේ සූත්තර දෙඩවීම ජීවිකාව කරගත් එනජීඕ මාෆියාවෙනද? ජාත්‍යාන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදල, එය හසුරවන අය සහ අදාළ දේශපාලන ආර්ථිකයන් ගැන මෙලෝ දෙයක් නොදන්නා විශ්ව විද්‍යාල ආචාර්යවරුන්ගේ සංගමයේ ලොක්කන්ගෙන්ද? කාගෙන්ද?  

අරක විකුනපන් මේක විකුනපන් යනාදී නියෝග පනවන ජාත්‍යාන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදලේ නියෝජිත සර්වට් ජහාන්ගෙන්ද රනිල් උපදෙස් ගන්නේ? එයාද රනිල්ගේ ලොකු ඉස්කෝලේ මහත්තයා? නැත්තම් ලෝක බැංකුවෙන් ශ්‍රී ලංකාව කළමනාකරණය කිරීම සඳහා පත් කර ඇති චියෝ කන්ඩාගෙන්ද මේ දවස්වල රනිල් රට පාලනය ඉගෙන ගන්නේ? බැන් කි-මූන්ගෙන්ද? යැස්මින් සූකාගෙන්ද? දරුස්මාන්ගෙන්ද?  එරික් සෝල්හයිම්ගෙන් ද? වික්ටෝරියා නියුලන්ඩ්ගෙන්ද? පාස්කරලින්ගම්ගෙන්ද?

බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය තානාපතිනිය සේරා හුල්ටන් රනිල්ටම මේ විෂය ගැන කියල දෙනවද? එහෙම නැත්තම් යුරෝපා සංගමය නියෝජනය කරන ඩෙනිස් චයිබි සර් රනිල්ට උගන්නනවද 'වයිල් හැවින් කෝපි'? එහෙමත් නැත්තම් රනිල් කියන්නේ ඇමරිකාවට ඕන විදිහට නටන රූකඩයෙක්ද? ඒ කියන්නේ ටියුෂන් අවශ්‍ය නෑ, අවශ්‍ය වන්නේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාව පාලනය කරන්න ජෝ බයිඩන් පත් කර ඇති ජූලි චුං කියන දේවල් තමන්ගේ අදහස් වගේ කියන්න බැඳිලා ඉන්න වහලෙක්ද?  

වෘත්තීය සමිති කියන කියන විදිහට නටන්න බැරි බව ඇත්ත. ඔවුන්ට සවන් දෙනවා මිස ඔවුන් කියන විදිහට රට පාලනය කිරීමට මොන නායකයෙක්වත් බැඳිලා නැත. ඇත්ත. රනිල් හරි. මුල් ප්‍රශ්නේ තවමත් ඉතුරු වී ඇත:

'රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ ට රට පාලනය ගැන අවවාද උපදෙස් දෙන්නේ කවුද හැබැටම?'

 





11 February 2023

Unbearable taxes: aragalists asked for it, didn’t they?


In the heady days of the ‘Aragalaya’ The BASL (Bar Association of Sri Lanka), the right-wing stink tank Advocate (a docile servant of the Atlas Network, an extension of the US foreign policy apparatus),  would-be prophets of an economic renaissance including university dons, ex Central Bank high-ups excellently schooled in the relevant dogma and many would-be spokespersons for the ‘Aragalaya’ representing all kinds of activists openly demanded that the government seek IMF support.

The proposals put forward by FUTA (Federation of University Teachers’ Associations) were hilarious: ‘Negotiations with the IMF, including any conditions agreed to must be transparent. Such conditions should not further burden the poor, and should not undermine people’s sovereignty and their access to resources. The process should not create a greater debt trap for the future.’

Were there no economists, historians, sociologists or political scientists involved in drafting these proposals, I wonder. When were negotiations with the IMF ever transparent? Ok, let’s say it’s a decent demand even though it smacks of naïveté and is utterly wishful. How about the second part, i.e. about conditions not further burdening the poor and not undermining people’s sovereignty and access to resources? Don’t they have the intellect to make a symptomatic reading of how the IMF mantra changed from structural adjustment to structural adjustment with a human face and eventually structural adjustment with poverty alleviation? How about the last part, i.e. the process not creating a greater debt trap for the future? What happy-pills have the FUTA membership being popping into their sad mouths?  


Then we had Nishan De Mel of Verite Research, another dodgy stink tank, indulging in hilarious punditry:

‘We do not wait of the IMF to give us a plan. The mistake that poor countries make of not using their best economists is that they let the IMF draft the plan. Then that turns out to be impractical because they haven’t thought about the realities of the country.

'Sri Lanka needs a credible plan to get out. Then tell the IMF show us why this plan is no good. We must negotiate with the IMF as professional, equals, not as third class, citizens or a third class country.’
De Mel may fancy himself as a professional, a first class citizen and one of the best economists in Sri Lanka. He may think he’s better than every single economist who has hitherto negotiated with the IMF. But he is downright silly to think that the IMF is some kind of ethereal, apolitical entity that is willing to correct course if cogent arguments are put forward. No, the IMF is a creature of North America and Western Europe and has never stepped out of line and is unlikely to say ‘your plan is good, it’s better than ours and we will go ahead with it’ if the proposals go against the interests of the true owners of the organization.


De Mel as well as the other IMF-advocates must know, surely, that the USA and its stooges make the biggest voting bloc in the IMF? When ever did the USA do anything considered detrimental to national interests of that country? US thinking on profit and military strategy has never been framed by lovely thoughts such as morality and intellectual honesty. To think that ‘better economists’ can sway Washington is stupid to put it bluntly.    

The IUSF (Inter University Student Federation, dominated by the Frontline Socialist Party) made some noises during the aragalaya in opposition to calls for IMF intervention. Tokenism, at best. The JVP/NPP was cagey. Some Marxists, very few, expressed opposition, but it was all low-key stuff. The vast majority of protesters offered what can only be called silent consent. NONE OF THEM were engaged in heated debates with those screaming the IMF Mantra.


What country have these people being living in, one must ask. What planet have they inhabited? Sri Lanka has gone to the IMF no less than 16 times. What was achieved? Do they think that the answer to problems caused by bad medicine is to increase the dosage? And hasn’t FUTA and other outfits learned ANYTHING from how things happened on each of those 16 occasions?  

Today, as the present government hurries to put in place preconditions for IMF intervention which include an extremely severe tax regime, some of these very people are getting mighty anxious. They attack the government but say naught about the IMF.


Well, this is what they, in their over-enthusiasm, arrogance and pathetic ignorance wanted, was it not? They agitated, it can be argued, for the right to beg. Now, they, along with those who openly argued against the ‘IMF Mantra,’ have been turned into the most pitiful of beggars.

Can anyone who is agitated by the new tax regime claim that he/she was not part of the Aragalaya. Can anyone so agitated claim that he/she didn’t know that the BASL, FUTA, Verite Research, the Institute of Policy Studies (that supposedly ‘independent’ but slavish adherent to anti-intellectual economic dogma), Advocata, economists who fervently believe that economy and politics are two different planets, IMF minions in the Central Bank and such were agitating, in effect, for just that?

Now someone might say, ‘if not the IMF, then what?’ Indi Samarajiva outlined in April 2022 ‘7 ways the IMF sucks and 7 common sense alternatives for Sri Lanka.’ That’s just ONE of an entire library of articles, papers and books on the topic which of course the neoliberals don’t read or, worse, don’t know the existence of.

The ‘IMF-come, aney’ agitators and their silent approvers are by now well versed in organizing protests. There are some addresses they can march towards and peacefully protest:

The IMF: 30, Central Bank, Janadhipathi Mawatha, Colombo. The US Embassy: 210, Galle Road, Colombo 3. European Union: 389 Bauddhaloka Mawatha, Colombo 7.  Actually, these addresses might very well be familiar to a lot of aragalists considering who funded some of them, egging them on to thuggery, arson, theft and general banditry. After all Colombots, stink tanks, con-artists, bornagainazis, rent-a-protest agitators, candle-light ladies, funded voices and other Kolombians as well as NEDdas (the newly anointed foot soldiers funded by the US National Endowment for Democracy, successor to CIA operations aimed at subverting foreign governments) were partying with the likes of Julie Chung during the Aragalaya.

They could go further. They probably know their own addresses, their own names. They can stay at home and indulge in self-flagellation. They could also visit the offices of stink tanks, lawyers who lowered the bar and ill-informed, intellectually challenged or downright pernicious ‘academics’ and other IMF-loving economists and propose a whip-each-other party.  

What they cannot do, if they have a conscious (questionable, yes), is rant and rave against taxes. In fact, the likes of Julie Chung may very well say, ‘You asked for it. You Got it. Now shut up!’ And for once the agitators would realise that she never smiles, but smirks. Indeed, whereas she may have thought to herself, ‘suckers,’ now she might spit it out in their faces.   


 

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ජනසතු අරගලය ජනතාකරණයට ලක් වුනාද?

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ලෙයට ලෙය වෙනුවට ආලය

පුද්ගල චරිත මතුවේ, නිර්පාක්ෂික හැව ගැලැවේ, අරගලය ඉදිරියටම....

The BASL Proposals: A review



 

09 December 2022

System Change: an Aragalist touch-me-not?



Such diversity! Such passion! Such innovation and creativity! Such courage and heroism! Such were and still are the encomiums floating around in mainstream and new media about the Aragalaya. Yes, there was diversity, passion, creativity, innovation and courage. These however do not necessarily constitute good, healthy, wholesome etc. For example, the LTTE, Al Qaeda, ISIS, Taliban and other such outfits had little diversity as is the case in identity based ‘struggles,’  but that all have long histories marked by creativity, innovation, passion, courage and heroism.

There was diversity and there was division. There were LGBTQ collectives (who, if probed, probably had very divergent views on things like governance systems, capitalism, the so-called ‘national question,’ elitism etc) and there were people spouting homophobic rhetoric. There were nationalists and those who equate the term with Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism. There were victims of the system and system-beneficiaries. There was the left and the right getting comfy with one another (of course the radical credentials of many self-styled leftists have long since been compromised). And there was Julie Chung playing Viceroy in the midst of a flag-waving multitude. But, clearly, they all got together.

For what? Well, even as they blared out their pet slogans, passed around leaflets and posted in social media nutshell version of particular ideologies and preferred outcomes, and ‘educated’ the ‘ill-educated’ at every turn in pitiful attempts to dislodge long-standing angst, they were in unison in the call for the resignation of Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

If anyone truly believed that getting rid of Gota would sort the country’s many ills, that’s delusion of the highest order. Nevertheless, it could be argued (and it has) that ousting him is a necessary first step in the process of putting things right. This theory is full of holes.

Systems can be represented by a single person or a collective of a few individuals, a family in this case as is argued for example. A system however is not a person (or a collective). The removal of a representative will not alter it. In this instance there was no agreement among the diverse multitude unified by a person-focused slogan and nothing else about successor or succession. Neither was there any cogent idea or even discussion about what kind of system would be desirable and how to go about installing it.

This is not surprising when outfits such as the Inter University Student Federation (IUSF) and the Frontline Socialist Party (FSP, which by the way dominates the IUSF) who formed the agitational vanguard in the main and professed to be committed to system-change failed miserably in a) coming up with even a halfway decent set of proposals for system change, and b) did not attempt to mobilise the agitators around the idea of a system-change. The second is understandable given the ideological diversity and a marked tendency to back-burn system change, never going beyond what at best could be called a peripheral slogan/demand.

Not surprisingly neither was there much of a system-change discourse emanating from the Neddas (those individuals/groups directly or indirectly benefiting from funds channeled through the National Endowment for Democracy — NED — the US outfit that took over the CIA’s country-destabilising operation), Candlelight Ladies, Rent-a-Protest Agitators, Stink Tanks, Con-Artists, Bornagainazis and other Funded Voices and other Kolombians. Indeed, for most of them the system was coterminous with Rajapaksas which again demonstrates both naïveté and duplicity.

Not all of this is captured in a survey of the Aragalaya recently carried out by the Centre for Policy Alternatives, but even this suspect outfit has (perhaps inadvertently) come upon a few startling truths about public perception related to what for some, such as the Asia Foundation, was ‘revolutionary’.    

The CPA assures that the semi-structured questionnaire administered among 1100 respondents from the four main ethnic communities (one wonders whether these were weighted to reflect real percentages) covering all 25 districts yielded reliable data.

On the one hand, a vast majority of respondents were willing to compromise on travelling and transport as well as food consumption (76.3% and 69.5%), but more than half were reluctant to agree to more taxes and almost 75% were vehemently opposed to any move that might result in a family member losing a job. This is all understandable. What’s missing here is hat some of the proposals for ‘change’ include these kinds of measures, especially those conditions currently being insisted by the IMF.

More than 80% want ‘system change’ but are clearly wary of neoliberalism. They want welfare and they also want less government. They want foreign companies to invest in Sri Lanka and they don’t want limits on earning capacity but they are not happy about privatising state-owned enterprises. They vehemently oppose greater involvement of the private sector in health and education.


Many questions have not been asked and therefore the data is not available. Here’s a list of issues that the CPA could consider if/when it conducts a follow-up survey:

1. What are the perceptions of Julie Chung’s involvement in the Aragalaya? 2. Can the IMF help the cause of changing the system? 3. Has the system changed? 3a. If ‘yes,’ in what ways specifically? 3b. If not, why not? 4. Does the replacement of a leader amount to system-change? 5. Did the institutional arrangement and the system of state processes change at all thanks to the Aragalaya? If conditions have not improved (The CPA’s income-expenditure data from the survey indicates that the situation has got worse) what really are the positives vis-a-vis ‘change’ that the Aragalaya yielded?  

While at it, the CPA (or anyone else) can ask if people know anything about the global capitalist system, whether or not it is important to develop the country’s manufacturing sector, whether or not development banks are necessary, whether or not a comprehensive plan for food and energy sovereignty and the will to implement it has to be part of a changed-system, whether beneficiaries of the system so reviled (the rich and powerful) truly wanted the structures and processes altered, and why and how the idea of system-change fizzled out the moment Ranil Wickremesinghe took control.

They could also ask what happened to the energy, creativity and courage? What happened to the agitational heroes? Who really benefited from the Aragalaya? Does Galle Face Green look prettier now if more boring? Were they right, those who said that it was a circus, all things considered and that the well-intentioned who were without political affiliation but were determined to build a new Sri Lanka were cheated?

malindadocs@gmail.com

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Vee da (වීද) hoo da (හූද) people?

ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන මාෆියාව/මේනියාව 

ජනසතු අරගලය ජනතාකරණයට ලක් වුනාද?

අරගලයේ දේශපාලන ඉතිරිය

අරගල, විප්ලව සහ දේශපාලනයේ අවලස්සන යටිපැත්ත

Ambassador Chung and xeroxable change

The Aragalaya: a postscript

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ලෙයට ලෙය වෙනුවට ආලය

පුද්ගල චරිත මතුවේ, නිර්පාක්ෂික හැව ගැලැවේ, අරගලය ඉදිරියටම....

The BASL Proposals: A review




01 September 2022

Julie Chung and fire hoses of falsehoods




US Ambassador Julie Chung was spot on. A few days ago, she pointed out, correctly, that ‘fake news - and fake tweets - are a real problem.’ She urged one and all, ‘don’t be misled.’ This particular tweet, apparently, was a response of sorts to ‘fake tweets mimicking [her] account’ which ‘have been spreading on social media.’

Indeed, I’ve seen some ‘Julie Chung tweets’ which, at first glance, aren’t exactly out of sync with the tone and substance of Her Excellency’s utterances — they are as hilarious, condescending and ill-informed — which perhaps, if we take her word for it, are fake. In these dismal times some light humour is not misplaced of course. Satire, as she knows, is legit. It’s good that she has alerted the general public who could be, in her words, misled. The lady, however, might want to review her overall operational thrust in Sri Lankan affairs, tweets and other statements included. Just to be sure that clever mimickers cannot make an already pathetic public image even worse.

But. She got it right. Fake news (and news) and indeed fake anything can be a real problem. The rise of social media, for all the communicative benefits, has its own pitfalls, especially considering that those who run the platforms are not politically neutral and those who use it can get away with murder. Ms Chung should know, after all, her government, through the National Endowment of Democracy (NED) and other lovely-sounding-but-nefarious outfits have been funding all kinds of people and organizations with dubious histories for several years now. Sri Lanka had her fill of fake-news/tweets traceable to such people, consequently, especially during the aragalaya.

[Interestingly, those who seem to be even more upset than Chung about her being parodied in social media (yes, those fake tweets she refers to) uttered not a word of objection about deliberate efforts to mislead people. Maybe, for them, and by extension, Chung, such activity was never a problem but in fact a solution to a problem they were taxing their brains over. Yes, one is reminded of sauces, geese and ganders.]

But. She got it right. Fake anything is a problem. And it’s not something that started happening just the other day. Any half-way decent study into the antecedents of what is supposed to be the origins of European (or white) civilisation would yield rich, sophisticated and thriving black culture, science and social organisation. Jesus Christ was not a blond haired, blue-eyed white man. He was black (Source: the Bible, no less). He was not born on December 25th either. A lot of Christian symbols and iconography are borrowed from what are called pagan religions.

But. She got it right. It’s not just a long ago thing, but something that’s evident in remembered, recorded and verified history. It’s evident in a not-long-ago, in the yesterday and today of human affairs, political and otherwise, not excluding the machinations of the corporate sector and self-styled aragalists.

Joe Biden, her President, put it well: ‘There is no subject off-limits to this fire hose of falsehoods.  Everything from human rights and environmental policy to assassinations and civilian-killing bombing campaigns are fair targets.’ Of course he was targeting Russia, but when it comes to firehoses and falsehoods the USA would be tough to beat. Chung and Biden ought to know.

Way back in 2010, Thomas L Carson wrote an essay titled ‘Lying and Deception about Questions of War and Peace: Case Studies,’ in which he documented ‘political leaders and public figures [who] told lies or engaged in deception as a pretext for fighting wars.’ Chung would find references to William Randolph Hearst, Franklin Roosevelt, Lyndon Johnson, George W. Bush, and Dick Cheney. Obviously hardly an exhaustive list of liars. Fake news (no tweets back then) was not a problem for the USA even then. Remember Woodrow Wilson coming to power refusing to enter the way but in six months doing just that?

According to John R. MacArthur (Second Front: Censorship and Propaganda in the 1991 Gulf War) George Bush (Snr) went about it professionally. The public relations firm Hill & Knowlton, among other things, arranged for a 15-year old Kuwaiti girl named Nayirah to testify before Congress prior to a key vote. She claimed, MacArthur recounts, ‘that she had volunteered at the al-Addan hospital. She had said, ‘While I was there I saw the Iraqi soldiers coming into the hospital with guns and going into the room where 15 babies were in incubators. They took the babies out of the incubators, took the incubators, and left the babies on the cold floor to die.’

Turned out that ‘it turned out that the witness was the daughter of the Kuwaiti ambassador to the U.S., and human rights organizations found no evidence that anything like what she described had actually happened.’ Fake news. No problem for the USA.

We all know about non-existent weapons of mass destruction as pretext to invade Iraq. There’s the bombing of a Sudanese pharmaceutical plant. Then the Gulf of Tonkin incident. Exhaustive enumeration would force me to exceed the prescribed word-count for this piece.

The USA has a long history of interfering in other countries, beginning with the Ottoman colony Tripolitania in 1805 to the more recent examples of Ugly Americanism in Libya, Syria and Ukraine. Yes, another word-count exceeding exercise.  Maybe Chung wants her name somewhere in this long and disgusting history, we don’t know.  What is relevant is that in these machinations too, fake-news played a role, A plaint media did its part, one might add.    

White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki recently expressed surprise that anyone could doubt the US military’s claims when it came to civilian casualties. Oh well! Sums it up doesn’t it? Not only are their damned lies but perhaps uttered so often that the utterers believe it all to be truth beyond a shadow of doubt. Julie Chung, on the other hand, got one thing right. She knows that fake news/tweets are a problem. Maybe she’s more enlightened than Jen Psaki — she doesn’t believe the fake news manufactured by her country but uses it anyway.

So. Retire moral posturing, already, Ms Chung and just encourage the laughs, huh? 

malindadocs@gmail.com
[Malinda Seneviratne is the Director/CEO of the Hector Kobbekaduwa Agrarian Research and Training Institute. These are his personal views.]



25 August 2022

Beware the NEDdas!

 

In Sri Lanka’s political lexicon there are two terms that have obtained a lot of play over the past 8 years or so: Toyyas and Bayyas. Bayyas are sometimes taken to be Rajapaksa loyalists but the truth of that identity goes beyond that family and could be best understood as a contradistinction of Toyyas. Toyyas are certainly anti-Rakapaksa but that’s not all they are.

They are anti-Rajapaksa because they believe the Rajapaksas represent Bayyas. Toyyas would suffer any and all violations that the Rajapaksas are accused of if they were committed by those they believe represent the Toyya community, let’s say. That’s those who can be called Kolombians, candle-light ladies, Colombots, rent-a-protest NGO personalities, funded-voices etc.

They typically are anglicized, speak English and can hardly cobble together five Sinhala or Tamil words into a coherent sentence, are often virulently anti-Buddhist and are somehow ashamed of their Sinhala or Tamil ancestry. In short, the kalu-suddhas. The Uncle Toms, if you want a term that the likes of US Ambassador Julie Chung would understand.

Then we have the Wannabe Toyyas,. Most of them believe that adopting Toyya lifestyles, parroting Toyya political preferences and chorusing Toyya antipathies would give them Toyya membership. They were in for a rude shock when the aragalaya imploded — the Toyyas all but branded them as Bayyas, riffraff and rabble, refusing membership and putting quite some distance between themselves and these clearly confused individuals.

Bayyas are no saints either. Most of them know they will be denied Toyya membership. Some (a few) are happy with who they are and are not interested in membership while the politics of others are defined by undisguised envy of the Toyya community.  

The aragalaya brought to fore another class of people, small in numbers but certainly effective, at least in terms of delivering the deliverables for which their bosses reward them one way or another: the NEDdas, which is derived from ‘National Endowment for Democracy.’ It has not entered the political lexicon, but it ought to, considering the fact that Neddas were in the thick of things over the past few months or rather were thrust into the thick of things after careful and long preparation over several years.

Before we get to NEDdas, we need to get to NED and to do that we need to understand the machinations of the US government and relevant agents.

Whenever the USA proposes democracy or gets teary about human rights countries that are the intended beneficiary of largesse need to worry. This is not because democracy is a bad thing; it is not. It is not because human rights need not be upheld; they need to be. It is all about what these terms portend when uttered by the USA.  

As is abundantly clear to any serious student of the USA and as has been pithily argued by Noam Chomsky in ‘What Uncle Sam really wants,’ Washington doesn’t give two hoots about democracy, human rights, peace or other such lofty ideals. Washington has supported and still supports military juntas, theocracies, monarchies, dictatorships and other forms of totalitarian regimes marked by intolerance, violent crushing of dissent and blatant violation of human rights. Not surprising considering the absolute mockery of democracy and human rights in the USA itself, from back in the day to this very moment.

The terms have currency only when Washington has to deal with regimes or leaders not willing to play comply with US diktat. The USA still does the guns-in-booty-out number but where this is not possible, other means have to be employed. If countries need to be destabilized to get rid of unfriendly leaders or governments and if naked force is not an option for whatever reason subterfuge becomes the default Plan B. The CIA moves in. The CIA has got such a bad reputation, though, that US subterfuge needed a different name, a different lexicon and people wearing different clothes, especially after Congress forbade the agency to organize coup d'etat to secure markets. That’s when the White House and National Security Council moved in to get around the problem. That's how the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) was set up. 

The four key subsidiaries of NED (National Democratic Institute, International Republican Institute, American Center for International Labor Solidarity and the Center for International Private Enterprise), gives it wide operative space and the requisite vocabulary yielding a civilizational veneer that can entrap the gullible (we are being kind here). It’s founder, Alan Weinstein wasn’t that cute — he called it the Second CIA way back in 1991.

So Washington funds NED, NED creates programs and outsources it to local NGOs in targeted countries who are tasked to make create molehills, turn them into mountains, create or precipitate the creation of objective preconditions where none exist or exploit such that do exist to manufacture and nurture popular dissent. Typically, the envisaged end, despite rhetoric about system-change, is replacement of a government or leader refusing to play ball with Washington by a leadership that is amenable to the advancement of US strategic interests.
 

Today, it is well known that the NED helped disintegrate the Soviet Union and was in the thick of political changes (not system change) in Georgia, Serbia, Ukraine and the uprisings dubbed ‘Arab Spring’ but which produced an endless and terrifying winter, paradoxically, in the Middle East. Venezuela knows of NED involvement.  It’s not hard to find which countries the NED has funded, which kinds of regimes were targeted and which supported and their relevant loyalties or otherwise to the USA. It is easy to see whether NED-supported groups and governments were or exemplify purported NED-values. 


NED is convenient. The name itself disarms the ignorant and gullible. Those in the know, are clearly beneficiaries as organizations or individuals and as such are willing pawns in Washington’s designs can claim, as some have, ‘No, we never got US funds.’ Indeed, one such individual who would have people believe he is in or is ‘the epicenter of the aragalaya’ (one wonders what other ‘epicenterists’ would have to say to this claim), when confronted with evidence of involvement with NED, backtracked and tried the age-old diversionary tactic — ‘Alright, yes, but what’s wrong with things like voter-education, eh?’ Others could ask, ‘what’s wrong with democracy, human rights etc.?’  A simple counter-question would suffice to floor them all: ‘to what end, really, brother?’

First, the condescension is insufferable. The assumption is that Sri Lankan voters are ignorant and need democracy-tuition. Second, there’s a pernicious twisting of all norms of democracy; constitution and popular will as expressed through the ballot are brushed aside in favour of manufactured and exaggerated popular dissent followed by tacit withdrawal of support for agitation the moment the preferred political outcome is obtained. Third, typically, the track records of the agents roped in make dismal reading.  It is easy after all to identify reasonably intelligent people with chips on their shoulders (which usually has nothing to do with ideological or political bent but about some simmering element of self-doubt or bruised egos) and cultivate them to be deployed at the right time. Yes, the NEDdas.

Now the NEDdas could say (and they have) ‘it doesn’t matter who gives money as long as the job is done.’ Well, that’s an end-justifies-the-means argument. Regardless, if anyone doesn’t care about what this ‘job’ is all about, has no clue and doesn’t care about history and the ways in which NED has operated and for what kind of goals, then such people aren’t really serious about system-change. They, in fact, are doing a job. Hatchet job, one might say.

It’s all about the Golden Rule — he who owns the gold, makes the rules. I wouldn’t call people innocent or naive for not taking the trouble to find out what’s what; I call them irresponsible and dangerous. They charter agitation to waters into which the bad ship ‘US Interests’ can sail in without obstacle. They don’t give a hoot about Sri Lanka. The only Sri Lankans they do care about are themselves. 

NEDdas are easily identified. One could check the organizations that NED funds, for starters. One could check NEDda positions (what they promote, who they condemn — countries included) and compare with NED ‘prerogatives.’ If NEDdas don’t care whether or not money is channeled by or through murderers, sackers of cities and other thugs, then of course they are seriously value-challenged. Should be noted.  

NEDdas. They need watching. Especially by all the hundreds and thousands who with pureness of heart and idealistic fervour about forging a different kind of nation with truly representative and democratic institutions and processes have their all to the aragalaya. There will be hundreds and thousands of other who will walk this path. They too will have their dreams blown up in their faces by NEDdas of the future. It need not be that way. Gotta keep NEDdas at bay though.

This article was first published in the Daily Mirror (August 25, 2022)
malindadocs@gmail.com
[Malinda Seneviratne is the Director, Hector Kobbekaduwa Agrarian Research and Training Institute. These are his personal views.’]

03 August 2022

අරගලයේ දේශපාලන ඉතිරිය

 

"ස්වයං විවේශනය, දුෂ්ටත්වයේ හරය තෙක් දිවෙන දරුණු, නොමසුරු, අනුකම්පා විරහිත විවේචනය නිර්ධන පාන්තික ව්‍යාපාරයක ජීවය සහ හුස්ම පොද වේ" -- රෝසා ලක්සන්බ(ර්)ග්



 
අරගලය අවසන් වුනා කියල සමහරු කියනවා. අරගල ඉවර වෙන්නෙත් නෑ ඉවර කරන්නත් බෑ කියල තවත් අය කියනවා. කෙසේ වෙතත් 'අරගලය' නමින් හැඳින් වූ දේශපාලන ක්‍රියාවලිය එක්තරා ආකාරයක නිමාවකට ඇවිල්ලයි තියෙන්නේ. අරගලය මැරුණා නැත්තම් මැරුවා කියල කියනවා නෙවෙයි. ඒ නිසා මෙතන ඉදිරිපත් කරන්නේ පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණයක් නෙවෙයි.

අරගලයේ සක්‍රීය වූ අය වගේම දුර ඈත සිට බලාපොරොත්තු පිරුණු දෑසින් අරගලය දෙස බලා සිටි අයද, අරගලය, එහි ප්‍රකාශිත අරමුණු සහ අරගලකරුවන් අතර සිටි ඇතැම් චරිත පිලිබඳව සැකසහිතව සියල්ල නිරීක්ෂණය කළ අයද යොමු විය යුතු බොහෝ කාරණා ඉතුරු වෙලා තියෙන බව කියන්න පුළුවන්. අරගලයට නැවතීමේ තිතක් කෙසේ වෙතත් කොමාවක් වැටිලා තියෙන මේ මොහොතේ ඒ සියලු දේ විමසීමට අවකාශයක් නිර්මාණය වෙලයි තියෙන්නේ. තම තමන්ගෙන්ම සහ එකිනෙකාගෙන් ඇසිය හැකි ප්‍රශ්න තියෙනවා. ඒවාට උත්තර සෙවීම වටිනවා කියලයි මට හිතෙන්නේ.

ඇමරිකානු තානාපති ජූලි චුං ගේ භූමිකාව කුමක්ද? චුං ගේ ට්විටර් සටහන් කියෙව්වාද? ඒවා හරහා ඇමරිකාව මොකාටද එන්නේ කියලා හිතුවද? කාදිනල්තුමාගේ භූමිකාව කුමක්ද? කතෝලික පල්ලිය සහ අරගලය අතර සම්බන්ධය මොන වගේද? අරමුණු මොනවාද? ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදල වන්දනාමාන කරමින් එහි පිහිට පතපියව් කියලා කට්ටිය කියද්දී උග්‍ර වාමවාදීන් මුනිවත රැක්කේ ඇයි. එයාලගේ වාමවාදය නැවත නැවතත් ප්‍රශ්න කළ යුතුයි නේද? අරගල ගැන ටියුෂන් දුන්න අප්පච්චිලාගේ, අම්මිලාගේ, ඇන්ටිලාගේ, අංකල්ලාගේ දේශපාලන ඉතිහාසය ගැන හොයල බැලුවේ නැති එක ගැන අරගලයේ දරුවෝ පසුතැවිලි වෙනවද? නීතිඥ සංගමය ගේමක්ද ගැහුවේ? විගණනය ඉල්ලන අයට නීතිඥ සංගමයේ සියලුම සාමාජිකයින් විගණනය කළ යුතුයි නේද කියල හිතුනද? 'අදේශපාලනික' කියන වචනයේ තේරුම දැනගෙන හිටියද? දැන් දන්නවද?

ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන අවශ්‍යයි කියල ආදී හප්පලා කෑ ගහපු අය අඩුම තරමින් 17වන සංශෝධනය සිට 20 දක්වා කියවලා තියෙනවද? ඒ ඒ සංශෝධන සම්මත කරගත්ත දේශපාලන වටපිටාව මොකද්ද කියල හෙව්වද? ඒ ඒ සංශෝධන කාගේ හරි වාසියක් සඳහාද නැත්තම් දේශපාලන විරුද්ධවාදීන් දඩයම් කිරීමේ චේතනාවෙන් සම්මත කරගත්තද? විධායක ජනාධිපති ක්‍රමය එපා කියන අය 13වන සංශෝධනය ගැන දන්නවද? සාලිය පීරිස්ගේ පරස්පර ප්‍රකාශ ගැන නීතිඥ සංගමයේ සාමාජිකයින් නිහඬ ඇයි?

පන්ති-රහිත අරගලයට 'පන්තිය' කඩා වැදුනේ මොන මොහොතේදීද? අරගලයට සහාය දැක්වූ ධනවත් ඇන්ටිලා අංකල්ලා (ඒ කියන්නේ මාමලා නැන්දලා නොවන වැඩිහිටියෝ) මෙච්චර කාලයක් අසීමිත වාසි ලබාගත්තේ සිස්ටම් එකට පිං සිද්ධ වෙන්න නෙවෙයිද? ජූලි 9දාට පසුව රියල්-ටෝයියෝ (ටොයි සමාජයට සැලියුට් දාන ටොයි සමාජයේ සාමාජිකතත්වය ලබාගැනීම ජීවිතයේ එකම අරමුණ සේ සළකන) වෙන්ඩ-ටොයියන්ව  බයියන් ගානටම දමමින් පිළිකුල් කරන්නේ ඇයි? ඇත්තටම අරගලයට ලොකු සල්ලි ආවේ කොහෙන්ද? කාගෙන්ද? කුමක් සඳහාද? අරගලය ඉදිරියට තල්ලු කරන්නත් ඉතා පරිස්සමින් සිස්ටම්-චේන්ජ් අල කරන්නත් කටයුතු කළ සෑම පුද්ගලයෙකුටම පාහේ, සෑම සංවිධානයකටම පාහේ ඍජුව හෝ වක්‍රව ඇමරිකාවේ රජය හෝ රජයට විවිධ සංවිධානවලින් මුදල් නැත්තම් කුමන හෝ උපකාර ලැබීම අහම්බයක්ද? #චුන්-නෝනා-ගෝහොම්, #NGOකාක්කෝගෝහෝම්, #IMFඑපා, #MalcolmGoToConfession: මේ වගේ සටන් පාඨ කාටවත් කල්පනා නොවුනේ ඇයි?  

ආරක්ෂක අංශ වළ සාමාජිකයින්ට 'අට පාස්' කියා සමච්චල් කරන අය මාටින් වික්‍රමසිංහ අට පාස්ද කියල තමන්ගෙන් අහන්නේ කවද්ද? උපාධිධාරීන්ගේ සසර ගමන අට පාස් අයට වඩා කෙටිද?  

අරගල කරද්දී මේ වගේ ප්‍රශ්න මතු වෙන්න ඇති. උත්තර හොයන්නත් ඇති. උත්තර සෙවීම පසුවට තබා අරගලයම උත්තර සපයයි කියල හිතන්නත් ඇති. ඒත් සියල්ල සිදුවුනාට පස්සේ ප්‍රශ්න එහෙමමයි. උත්තර හොයන්නේ නැත්තම් සර්වසුභාවාදය සර්වඅසුභාවාදයට පෙරළෙන්න පුළුවන්. එහෙම අනතුරක් නැත්තේ නෑ. 

උත්තර හොයන්නේ නැත්තම් වැඩියෙන්ම සතුටු වෙන්නේ සිස්ටම් එක. 

01 August 2022

අරගල, විප්ලව සහ දේශපාලනයේ අවලස්සන යටිපැත්ත

 

 

ජනතා නැගිටීමක්, උද්ඝෝෂණයක්, රටක දේශපාලන නායකත්වයට අභියෝග කරන දේශපාලන ක්‍රියාවලියක්, දේශපාලන පෙරළියක් -- මේ හැම එකක්ම අරගලයක් කියල කියන්න පුළුවන්. විප්ලවයක් කියල කියන්න බෑ. සමහර අරගල විප්ලව බවට පරිවර්තනය වෙන්න පුළුවන්. කොන්දේසි තියෙනවා. පහුගිය මාස කිහිපය හරහා ලංකාවේ සිදුවුණා නැත්තම් සිදු කරන ලද අරගලය විප්ලවයක් බවට පෙරලුනේ නැහැ. ඒක 'අරගලයක්' නෙවෙයි, ඇත්තටම. එතන තිබුනේ අරගල. බහු වචනින්.

අරගලයට අදාල විවිධ ප්‍රකාශන සහ ක්‍රියාකාරකම් දිහා බලනකොට බරපතල කාරණා ගැන පොදු එකඟතාවක් තිබුනේ නෑ. මතවාදී කරුණු ගැන වගේම අරමුණු පිළිබඳවත් පොදු අවබෝධයක්, එකඟතාවක් තිබුනේ නෑ. ක්‍රමය වෙනස් කිරීම ගැන යම් යම් පුද්ගලයින් සහ සංවිධාන කතා කළත් අරගලයේ මහා පොදු සාධකයේ ඒ කිසි දෙයක් අඩංගු වුනේ නෑ. විවිධත්වයක් තිබුනා -- ආගම්, ජාති, කුල සහ පංති නොසලකපු, ඒ ඒ විවිධත්වයන් වලට ඉඩක් දෙන, අඩු වැඩි වශයෙන් ගරු කරපු  විවිධත්වයක් තිබුන. උග්‍ර වාමවාදීන් සිට ධනවාදයම ඉල්ලන, ධනවාදය වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටින ධනේශ්වරය දක්වා මතවාදීමය පරාසයේ විවිධ තැන් වල ස්ථානගත වූ අය සහ සංවිධාන අරගලකරුවන් අතර සක්‍රීයව හිටියා. මේ සියලු විවිධත්වයන් එක ධජයක් යටට එකතු කරන්න වුනේ සහ එකතු වුනේ ඇත්තටම කුඩාම පොදු සාධකයකට. පුද්ගල කේන්ද්‍ර සාධකයක්. ගෝටා ගෙදර යැවීම.

ගෝටා ගියා. අරගලකරුවන් වගේම අරගලයත් ගෙදර ගියා. සිස්ටම් එක එහෙමම තියෙනවා. එහෙම වුනේ ඇයි? වී ඩෝන්ට් නෝ වයි ද, වී නෝ වයි ද?  
 
රුසියාවේ වුනේ විප්ලවයක්. ප්‍රධාන තේමාව/අරමුණ #සාර්මරමු නෙවෙයි; ඉල්ලුවේ ඉඩම්, සාමය සහ පාන්. සාර් සහ සාර්ගේ පවුල ඝාතනය කළා, ඇත්ත. ඒත් සාර් පාලනය සහ ඒ හා බැඳුන වැඩවසම් ක්‍රමය අවසන් කිරීම තමයි අරමුණ වුනේ. අවසන් කළා. සාමය ලැබුනා. ඉඩම් ලබා ගන්න නැත්තම් ඉඩම් පොදු අයිතියට පවරා ගන්න කාලයක් ගියා. ඒ සඳහා ලේ වන්දියක් ගෙවීමටත් සිද්ධ වුනා. ආහාර ප්‍රශ්නය විසඳුනේ පරක්කු වෙලා. ඒත් සිස්ටම් එක චේන්ජ් වුනා.

ප්‍රංශයේ 'අරගලකරුවන්' #ලුවීමරමු කියල කියන්න ඇති. ඒත් ප්‍රධාන තේමාව/අරමුණ වුනේ නිදහස, සමානාත්මතාවය සහ සහෝදරත්වය. ලුවී ඇතුළු ප්‍රංශ රජ පවුල ඝාතනය කළා, ඇත්ත. ඒත් ප්‍රංශයේ රාජාණ්ඩුක්‍රමය අවසන් වුනා. වැඩවසම් නිෂ්පාදන මාදිලියෙන් ධනවාදී ක්‍රමයක් වෙත ප්‍රංශය ගමන් කරන්න පටන් ගත්තා. සමානාත්මතාවය සහ සහෝදරත්වය කෙසේ වෙතත් සිස්ටම් එක චේන්ජ් වුනා.    

රුසියාව, ප්‍රංශය, වගේම විප්ලව සිද්ධ වුන කියුබාව සහ වියෙට්නාමය වගේ රටවල විප්ලවවාදීන්ට නැත්තම් අඩුම තරමේ ඒ අරගල වල නායකයින්ට පුළුල් දැක්මක් තිබුනා. ඒ වගේම දේශපාලන සහ සටන් ක්‍රියාමාර්ග සංවිධානාත්මක ව්‍යුහයක් මතයි පදනම් වුනේ. බල ව්‍යුහය බිඳ දමන්නත්, පාලක පාර්ශව පළවා හරින්නත් පුළුවන් වුනේ ඒ නිසයි. විකල්ප සමාජ ආර්ථික දේශපාලන ව්‍යුහයන් ගොඩ නගන්න පුළුවන් වුනෙත් ඒ නිසයි.  

ප්‍රංශයේ, රුසියාවේ එහෙම වුනත් ලංකාවේ එහෙම වුනේ නෑ.  ලංකාවේ කරන්නේ විප්ලවයක් කියලත් සිද්ධ වුනේ විප්ලවයක් කියලත් සමහරු කිව්වත් හිතුවත්, එහෙම දෙයක් වෙලා නැති බව දැන්වත් අවබෝධ වෙන්න ඕන. ලොකු අකුරින් අරගලය පුරාවටම ලියවිලා තිබුනේ #gotagohome. පසුව චූටිම චූටි ෆොන්ට් සයිස් එකකින් #ranilgohome කියල වෙනස් වුනා තමයි. ඒත් කෝ අර බරපතල සිස්ටම් චේන්ජ් එක? දිනාගත්ත 'වෙනස' හරහා ඉඩම්, සාමය සහ ආහාර ලැබෙන ලකුණක් නැහැ. නිදහස, සමානාත්මතාවය සහ සහෝදරත්වය ලැබෙන ලකුණක් නැහැ. අඩුම තරමින් අරගල භූමියේ දක්නට ලැබුණු  නිදහස,සමානාත්මතාවය සහ සහෝදරත්වය අරගලකරුවන් අතරේ දැන් නැහැ. ඒ සියල්ල පුද්ගල කේන්ද්‍ර සටන් පාඨයකටම ලඝු වූ 'අරගලයක' තාර්කික අවසානය ලෙස හේදිලාම ගියා.  

මෙහෙම වුනේ ඇයි? අරගලය පුරාවට ආර්ථික අගහිඟකම් ගැන සටන් පාඨ තිබුනත්, සමස්ථ ආර්ථික අර්බුදය පුද්ගලයෙකුට නැත්නම් පවුලකට නැත්තම් පක්ෂයකට ලඝු කළා මිස අර්බුදයේ සංකීර්ණ සහ පුළුල් දේශපාලන ආර්ථික මූලයන් හොයන්න උත්සාහයක් තිබුනේ නෑ. ක්‍රමයක අවුල් පුද්ගලයෙකුට බැර කිරීම පහසුයි, තාවකාලික (සහ අවසානයේ සිල්ලර) ජයග්‍රහණයන් අත්පත් කරගන්න ප්‍රමාණවත් වුනා. එච්චරයි.

අරගලයට නැත්තම් අරගලකරුවන්ට හෝ නායකයින් කියලා හිතාගත්ත අයට අර්බුදය සහ අර්බුදයට අදාළ දීර්ග ඉතිහාසය සහ අර්බුදය නිර්මාණය වෙන සමස්ථ දේශපාලන ආර්ථිකය කියව ගන්න බැරිවුනා. ඒ ඇයි? අරගලකරුවන් සහ අරගලය ගැන විශ්වාසය තැබූ අය හමුවේ ඒ ප්‍රශ්නය ඉතුරු වෙලා තියෙනවා. එවැනි කියවීමක් වෙත යන්න අවශ්‍ය දැනුම නැති  නිසාද? වුවමනාවක් නැති නිසාද? ඒවා ගැන හොයන්න ගියොත් ලැබෙන උත්තර අනුව අරගලයට චිය(ර්)ස් දාපු දෙස් විදෙස් විද්වතුන්, හිතවතුන්, ගමන් සගයින් සහ මූල්‍යමය ආධාර සැපයු පරිත්‍යාගශීලී සිල්වත්තු උරණ වෙන්න ඉඩ තියෙන නිසාද?

එතකොට අරගලයේ සැබෑ පාර්ශවකරුවන් කවුද? කා සඳහාද කා වෙනුවෙන්ද අරගල කෙරුවෙ? උත්තරය: ජනතාව. ඒත් ජනතාවමද? ජනතාව කියන්නේ කාටද? මේවත් හොයන්න ඕන. 

අරගලයේ නිතරම කියවුනේ ජනතාව ගැනයි. ජන දුක, ජනතා අභිලාෂයන් ගැනයි. හැම තක්කඩි දේශපාලනඥයා වගේම අවසන් විග්‍රහයේදී අරගලයත් අරගලයේ ඊනියා නායකයිනුත් 'ජනතාව' කියන වචනය ගසා කෑව, තම තමන්ගේ පුද්ගල ඉල්ලක්ක සඳහා 'ජනතාව' දඩමීමා කරගත්තා. ඒ විතරක් නෙවෙයි, ජනතා නාමයෙන් පුද්ගලයින්ට එලව එළවා පහර දුන්නා, ගෙවල් ගිනි තිබ්බා, පුද්ගලයින්ට මරණ තර්ජන නිකුත් කළා, මැරුවා, පොදු දේපළ වලට හානි කළා, මංකොල්ල කෑවා. අරගලයට චියර්ස් දාපු අය එක්කෝ මේවා අනුමත කෙරුවා නැත්තම් නිහඬ අනුමැතිය දුන්නා.

අවසානයේ ඒ හැම දෙයක්ම අරගලයට පාරාවළල්ලක් වුනාට පස්සේ කිව්වේ 'බලයේ ඉන්න අරයයි මෙයයි අරක කෙරුව මේක කෙරුව, ඒවා ගැන කතා කරන්නේ නැතුව අරගලකරුවන්ගේ වැරදි හොයන්න එපා' කියලයි. ඒකෙ අත්තක් තියෙනවා. ඒත් අරයගෙයි මෙයාගෙයි අර වැරැද්දයි මේ වැරැද්දයි පෙන්වල දුන්න, ඒවාට විරුද්ධව කටයුතු කළ අරගලකරුවෝ හිටියේ නැද්ද? ඒ අයට අරගලයේ තක්කඩිකම් හෙලා දකින්න සදාචාර අයිතියක් තියෙනවා නේද? සමස්තයක් හැටියට නිහඬව හිටියා නේද? හොරකමේ, තක්කඩිකමේ ප්‍රමාණයන් තියෙනවා තමයි. ඒත් හොරකම හොරකමමයි. තක්කඩිකම තක්කඩිකමමයි.         

එසේනම් 'අරගලය' නැත්නම් පහුගිය මාස කිහිපය තුල ගෝල් ෆේස් කේන්ද්‍ර කරගෙන ක්‍රියාත්මක කළ 'අරගල' තේරුම් ගන්නේ කොහොමද? සර්ව අසුභවාදී වෙන්න අවශ්‍ය නැහැ.  විවිධ අගහිඟකම් හේතුවෙන් සමාජයේ විවිධ ක්ෂේත්‍ර තුල සහ සියලු සමාජ ස්ථර හරහා කණස්සල්ල, බිය සහ කෝපය ගොඩ නැගී ඒ සියලු වේදනා උද්ඝෝෂණ බවට පරිවර්ථනය වුනා. නේකවිධ කෛරාටිකයින්ට සහ පටු අරමුණු ඇති පුද්ගලයින්ට, සංවිධාන වලට සහ ඇතැම් රටවල් වලට රඟන්න වේදිකාවක් නිර්මාණය වුනේ එහෙමයි. සමහරු අරගල භූමියේ කොටස් තමන්ගේ ව්‍යාපෘති වලට නතු කරගත්තා. සමහරු තිරයෙන් පිටිපස සිට තම කාර්යයන් වල යෙදුනා. සමහරු විසිල් ගැහුවා, තක්කඩිකම් සාධාරණය කෙරුව. උද්දාමයට පත්ව තම තමන්ගේ වෘත්තීමය සදාචාරයන විශ්‍රාම යවපු අයද මේ අතර හිටියා. ඒ සියලු දෙනා ප්‍රීතියෙන් මෝහනය වූ නිසා තම තමන්ගේ රෙදි ගලවගත්තා. සමාජ මාධ්‍යයේ සටහන් වල ස්ක්‍රීන් ෂොට් නැතුව නොවේ.     

ඒ කෙසේ වෙතත්, අරගලය තුල පුටු මාරුවලට එහා ගිය, ව්‍යුහයන් වෙනස් කිරීමේ අභිලාෂයන් තිබුන සහ ගෝටා ගෙදර යැවීම ඒ දිගු ගමනේ අනිවාර්ය සහ පළමු පියවට පමණක් බව අවබෝධ කරගත් පිරිස් හිටියා. තවමත් ඒ පුළුල් අරගලය සහ අරමුණු වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටින සහ නැවතුන තැන සිට නැවත ක්‍රියාත්මක වීමේ අවශ්‍යතාවය හඳුනාගෙන ඒවෙනුවෙන් කරයුතු කරන බොහෝ අය ඉන්නවා. තමන් ඉත්තෝ බවට පත් වෙයි කියල එයාලා හීනෙකින් වත් හිතුවේ නැතුව ඇති. එහෙම නැත්තම් ඉත්තෝ වීම වළක්වන්න බැරි දෙයක්, පතන සමාජ විපර්යාසය වෙනුවෙන් ගෙවිය යුතු මිලක් කියලා හිතන්න ඇති. අරගලය පාවා දෙන්න සුදානම් අය ඉන්න බවත් එයාල හඳුනාගන්නේ කෙසේද කියලත් එවැනි බාධක ජයග්‍රහණය කරන්නේ කොහොමද කියලත් එවන් අරගලකරුවන් මේ ක්‍රියාවලිය තුල ඉගෙන ගන්න ඇති.  

විශේෂයෙන්ම  නිශ්චිත සහ පුළුල් සමාජ, ආර්ථික දේශපාලන දැක්මකින් තොර අසංවිධිත දේශපාලන ක්‍රියාවලි අවසන් වන්නේ සිස්ටම් චේන්ජ් එකකට මෙහා බවත්, ආ මග ඇත්තටම කෙටි බවත්, යායුතු මග එහෙමම ඉතුරුව ඇති බවත්, සිස්ටම් එක හිතුවට වඩා දෘඩ බවත්, විප්ලවය ඔය විදිහට කළ නොහැකි බවත් ඒ එඩිතර, අධිෂ්ටානශීලී, නිර්මාණශීලී ආදරණීය මිනිසුන් මේ වන විට අවබෝධ කරගෙන ඇති බව මම විශ්වාස කරනවා. රටේ හෙට දවස ගැන බලාපොරොත්තු තියාගන්න නම් මෙය විශ්වාස කළ යුතුමයි.  ආදරයට ඉඩක් ඉතුරු වෙන්නෙත් එහෙමමයි. අරගලය විප්ලවයක් දක්වා විකාශනය වෙන්න පුළුවන්. කොන්දේසි තියෙනවා. පාඩම් ඉගෙන ගැනීම ඉන් එකක්. පාඩම් ඉගෙනගනිමි සිටිනවා කියල හිතන්න මම ආසයි.

රැවටිලි එමටයි. රවට්ටන අය බොහෝයි. රැවටුනා වෙන්න පුළුවන්. යා යුතු මග යා යුතුමයි. යා නොයුතු මාර්ග 'යා යුතු මගමයි' කියල නම් කරත් කෙළවර වන්නේ ඉදිරියක් නැති තැන්වලයි. අරගලය නැවතිලා තියෙන්නේ එවැනි තැනකයි. ෆේක් අරගලකරුවන්ට ඒකෙ අවුලක් නැති වුනත්, සැබෑ විප්ලවවාදියාට එතැනින් නැවත ගමන පටන් ගන්න පුළුවන්. අර රුසියාවේ, චීනයේ, ප්‍රංශයේ, කියුබාවේ, වියෙට්නාමයේ සහ ඇතැම් යුග වල ලංකාවේ වුනා වගේ. 

අරගල, විප්ලව සහ දේශපාලයේ අවලස්සන යටිපැත්ත එන්සෝ ට්‍රැවර්සෝ ලියූ 'විප්ලවය: බුද්ධිමය ඉතිහාසයක්' (‘Revolution: an intellectual history’) නම් කෘතියේ විශිෂ්ට ලෙස විස්තර කරනවා.

'අරගලයක අරමුණ දේශපාලන  තන්ත්‍රයක් බිඳ දැමීම නොවේ; ඇත්තටම අරමුණ එහි නියෝජිතයින් වෙනස් කිරීමක්. අරගලකරුවන් සාමාන්‍යයෙන් ඉලක්ක කරන්නේ පුද්ගලයින් මිස පන්තීන්, ආයනත හෝ බලය නොවේ. එබැවින් ඔවුන්ගේ ක්ෂිතිජයන් පටු වේ, ආයු කාලයද කෙටි වේ. ඒවා ස්ථානික විය හැකි භූමියකට යම් නිශ්චිත අවකාශයකට සීමා වේ. විප්ලව මීට වෙනස්. බලාපොරොත්තු නිර්මාණය වන්නේ මතවාදයන් සහ යෝතෝපියානු ප්‍රක්ෂේපන ඔස්සේය. ඒවා ක්‍රියාවට නංවන්නේ ජකොබියානුවන් හෝ බෝල්ෂෙවික්වරුන් වැනි දේශපාලන ව්‍යාපෘති හා බැඳී බලවේගයන් වේ. ඔවුහු පවතින සමාජ දේශපාලන ව්‍යුහයන් වෙනස් කිරීම සඳහා සවිඥානිකව කැප වෙති. කෙටියෙන්, ඔවුන් ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කරන්නේ දැවැන්ත සහ ඇතැම් විට විශ්වීය අභිලාෂයන් ය.'

ට්‍රැවර්සෝ ලංකාවේ 'අරගලය' පුර්වාපේක්ෂා කෙරුවා වගේ. නේද?

28 July 2022

Ambassador Chung and xeroxable change

 


Aragalaya. Translatable as revolt, uprising, protest, agitation, struggle or even insurrection. Aragalaya is singular, but considering statements and actions it was certainly not marked by concert, ideological agreement, unity of purpose etc. Eclecticism was the signature of the rumbling. There was mumbling, nothing more, about system-change, but a revolution it certainly was not. So, aragalaya: singular; aragala: plural. The latter is the better descriptive. And perhaps it is exactly this eclectic and disjointed character that forced the agitators to dilute whatever revolutionary fervour there may have been to a project that targeted an individual and once that ouster was obtained shift focus to another individual.

Let’s elaborate if only to dismiss those who still harbour illusions about what transpired over the past three months was about system-change, revolution or a political shift of tectonic proportion.

History teaches lessons. The Russian Revolution was about land, peace and bread. It wasn’t #Czar-out. Land and peace were obtained; bread took a while. The Czar was assassinated, sure, but in a political sense it was incidental. The Czar was not replaced some Royal heir. Tsarist rule came to an end. In France, it was ‘liberty, equality and fraternity,’ and not #Louis-out.  Capitalism is anti-equality and one might argue anti-liberty and anti-fraternity, but the French ended the monarchical system. Louis was assassinated. Again, incidental. A Royal heir didn’t succeed him.

In China, the slogan of the Communist Party was ‘Serve the people,’ admittedly a different tune to those played in Russia and France. In any event the Chinese weren’t maniacally invested in  banishing Chiang Kai-shek. The target was the Kuomintang and what it represented, and the overall relations of production. Chiang Kai-shek fled. The Communists did stumble and worse in serving the people, but all things considered all Chinese received what was previously the luxury of a few.

In all three cases, like in any revolution such as what took place in Cuba and Vietnam for example, the movements were marked by a clear vision about what kind of political and economic system should replace the one being challenged and organisational cohesion which enabled implementation.

In Sri Lanka, over the past three months, it was different. In Sri Lanka, we had #gohomegota and in a smaller font size and in normal text as opposed to bold and italicised, #gohomeranil, only, the latter was made impossible along the way for Ranil Wickremsinghe’s house was torched. Talk, if any, of land, peace and bread, of liberty, equality and fraternity, got drowned in the individual-focused slogans, As for serving the people, well, the agitators weren’t short on rhetoric. Indeed, as is often the case, all of it (and we need to include, sadly, the destruction of public property, stifling of expression-freedom, arson, theft, thuggery and murder as part of the ‘all’) was done ‘in the name of the people.’ At the end of the day, it was ‘same-old, same-old.’


Enzo Traverso, I am told, put it much better in the book ‘Revolution: an intellectual history’: ‘The aim of revolt is not to put down a political regime; it is rather to change its representatives; usually their targets are individuals, not classes or institutions, nor power itself. This is why they have a limited horizon and a short duration: they can be endemic, but are always territorially circumscribed. Revolutions, on the contrary, raise hopes supported by ideologies and utopian projections; they are frequently carried out by forces that embody political projects, like the Jacobins or the Bolsheviks. They consciously wish to change the social and political order. In short, they express great, sometimes universal ambitions.’

So what was it all about then? Let us not be unforgiving. There was serious anxiety, fear and anger regarding multiple depravations. Fertile ground, then, for all manner of agent provocateurs and there were veritable legions in operation. Some on the ground, some behind the scenes, some cheering on (only to go silent after, perhaps, true objective was achieved) and some in the giddiness of it all compromising professional ethics and tripping gaily over their own contradictions. Names can be named, if necessary, for screen-shots of Twitter, Facebook and Instagram posts have been filed. Meticulously, I might add.

Regardless, there were and still are idealists who wanted more than name-change, who genuinely believed that this was a necessary first step in the long march to meaningful social transformation. Maybe they didn’t expect to play pawn, maybe they believe(d) that it was a price they may have to pay, maybe they will learn and become smart enough distinguish enemy from friend and outwit the small-minded and pernicious as well as those who saw a larger picture and preferred outcomes that they, the genuine agitators, never believed was part of this whole exercise.

US Ambassador Julie Chung’s tweets are hilarious but seriously they could feed several doctoral dissertations on international political economy. It is no secret that the US backed several vocal outfits and individuals who backed the aragalaya (and who have since been more cautious in their missives). She was jubilant when Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa resigned. She’s reproached the government for evicting protestors from Galle Face, but in guarded tones.

Check the language. On the 9th of May she used the word ‘condemn’ and on the 22nd of July, merely expressed ‘concern’. Earlier it was ‘violence’ and later ‘actions.’ Perhaps all the social media  ‘activists’ (who would like people to believe they wanted real change and weren’t just being willing pawns of US interests) could do some content analysis of her tweets. She was and is, after all, the point person in Colombo for US interests and knows which individuals and which organizations were and are funded by US organizations dedicated to pushing Washington’s agenda forward around the world, for example the National Endowment for Democracy (NED).

The attacks (actions/violence) happened. No argument there. The magnitude of course, as claimed/tweeted, is debatable, but violence there was. There is of course a difference between attacking those who are engaged in peaceful protest and taking action against those violating the law. All things considered and especially comparing with the way the USA has treated peaceful protestors (outright brutality including murder, Chung would know), it could have been much worse. But here’s something for the lady to chew on: President Biden recently tweeted, ‘Call me old fashioned, but I don’t think inciting a mob that attacks a police officer is “respect for the law.” You can’t be pro-insurrection and [at the same time be] pro-cop or pro-democracy or ‘pro-American.’

Inciting a mob. There were mobs among the idealists, there were arsonists, looters, murderers and paddlers of virulent ideologies that were square-in-the-middle of racism, intolerance and such. Chung knew. Chung knows. Chung didn’t tweet a sweet ‘no, no, not like that!’  


And we have Derek Grossman a senior defense analyst at the RAND Corporation (established in 1948 in California with the purpose of military planning, research, and decision development, has 1,950 employees from 50 different countries), gloating thus: ‘China’s window of opportunity to one day control Sri Lanka probably just closed.’ Is he saying 'our window of opportunity just got opened that much more'? Would Chung nod in agreement?

Well, when CIA agents cheer a protest, the conscientious protestors should  say something to the effect of,‘we don’t need your endorsement; you are part of the problem, part of the system.’ Didn’t see any of that though.

All this is in a land called ‘bound to happen’ and that inevitability has everything to do with the key flaws of the aragalaya outlined above and the inability of those who truly wanted change to rise to the challenge of taking on and defeating the enemy within, so to speak, even as they targeted symbols and not the system they represented.

Lessons for the future, hopefully.

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16 July 2022

Vee da (වීද) hoo da (හූද) people?

Sri Lankans make a unique and hilarious knicker-twisted nation, exasperated over lengthy fuel lines to the point of ousting a president and then entire families sweating lengthier lines under umbrellas to see his residence.


Any uprising cast as being spontaneous invariably runs into a bunch of problems, the most serious being the one about credentials. Who speaks for the aragalaya, one could ask. If anyone claims he/she speaks for the aragalaya (and many have, as individuals or groups), the immediate question is, who gave him/her the authority and on what grounds? This of course doesn’t necessarily mean that spontaneous mass uprisings are bad or are bound to fail. Sometimes things unfold and it is in the unfolding that leaders emerge.  

As one might expect, the surge, whether all spontaneous or subtlety orchestrated (yes, such things happen too), made many want to have a piece of it. It was a low-cost adventure for many who had for years benefitted from a rotten system but had never once complained. Yes, they would whine now and then when preferred parties/politicians were out of power but even when sworn enemies were in power, they never balked at exploiting the very same rotten system.  

There were those kinds of people, largely Kolombians who had most likely voted for Ranil/UNP or Sajith/SJB, Kolombians who were suffering from lifestyle deprivation but were certainly not feeling anything like the pinch that most people in the country were experiencing. They were a small but significant minority in the aragalaya. Their posts were in English. When they tried to speak in Sinhala, it was actually funny.  Mind you, the issue was not that Sinhala was not their mother tongue.

Why am I talking about these politically marginal set of people, you may be wondering. Well, there’s a note that’s being circulated titled ‘’Why did we join the aragalaya?’ It is signed by ‘We, the people.’ Obviously convenient but possible dodgy.  An interesting and telling read, though.  

Here it is:

1. WE…protested against the Rajapaksa regime.  2. WE…protested against corruption, nepotism, violation of the rule of law and of human rights. 3. WE…protested in favour of economic stability, civil liberties and rights, the upholding of the constitution, the legislature and the preservation of our democratic values. 4. WE…protested as a Sri Lankan along with my brothers and sisters, for what I believed would be a new future for my country that is shaped in accordance with our constitution. 5. WE…DID NOT PROTEST in favour of anarchy, violence or to empower subversive elements who would deem to overthrow our democratic values. What’s happening now is NOT OUR ARAGALAYA!


In Number 4, there’s a slip from ‘we’ to ‘I’.  I noticed in similar posts that this has been since corrected. It’s a personal angst obviously, but then again it is collectively subscribed to, going simply by the fact that it is being shared on multiple social media platforms. Ok, that’s out of the way.

So, ‘these people’ claim they protested against the Rajapaksa regime. Fair enough. They’ve protested against corruption, nepotism, violation of the rule of law and of human rights. Again, legit. Now, is it the case that all these nasties (corruption, nepotism, violation of the rule of law and of human rights) was the preserve of Gotabaya Rajapaksa or indeed the Rajapaksa clan? Obviously not. We saw such things galore even during the Yahapalana times during which there was little ‘yaha’ and even less  ‘palana’ and, mind you, without having to deal with decades long buttressing of the import mafia, dependency on remittances and tourism, Covid-19 related shocks that lasted for two whole years etc.

Here are some questions: did ‘these people’ a) benefit or not from ‘the system’? b) did they always vote SLFP (or SLFP-led coalition) or did they vote for Ranil/UNP or Sajith/SJB? c) did they ever protest these nasties when the UNP or UNP-led coalition or coalitions the UNP was part of?

There’s talk of economic stability, civil liberties and rights, the upholding of the constitution, legislature and the preservation of democratic values. Lovelies, all of them, BUT, again, were these things sitting pretty until November 2019? We can run through three to four decades, name parties, name individuals and name ideologies and policies that took potshots at one and all. So here’s the question: did these worthies utter a single word about those other transgressions?

The darlings are claiming that they did not favour anarchy, violence or empowerment of subversive elements who would deem to overthrow democratic values. Lovely. Let’s break it down.

Anarchy. Violence. Subversion. Democratic Values. Repeat after me. Anarchy. Violence. Subversion. Democratic Values. Anarchy. Violence. Subversion. Democratic Values. Anarchy. Violence. Subversion. Democratic Values. Anarchy. Violence. Subversion. Democratic Values. Anarchy. Violence. Subversion. Democratic Values.

Throughout this aragalaya there were calls for and affirmation of anarchy. Sure, not all aragalists were anarchists in ideological bent or in action, but only the myopic and naive could dismiss the possibility that anarchy of the worst kind was festering and could very well erupt. Forget all that. Did these lovelies who are now in whine-land ever once say ‘hey, hey, hey…ease off guys’? Mirihana. Rambukkana. Warakapola. Temple Trees. Galle Face. President’s House. Ranil Wickremesinghe’s residence. Parliament. And let’s not forget the vandalism, arson, thuggery etc., that followed the unleashing of thugs from Temple Trees by forces beholden to or controlled at  that time Mahinda Rajapaksa. Who called for, who indeed demanded anarchy and violence? Who called for and demanded subversion, who indeed subverted? What were the democratic values affirmed by pillage, destruction of public property, arson and thuggery? Why this sorrow now, but not then? Is it ok to be selective about these things? Is it ok to just go along, look askance when unpleasant things happen until the process yields an outcome that is, well, ok? And if the outcome is ok for you but not for others, if those others continue to do what you called for, cheered, took part in perhaps or supported one way or another, do you have a moral right to object?  

Regardless of who started the fire (and it was certainly not lit in November 2019), if those who were mandated to quash it did not or could not, regardless of unforeseen and unfortunate circumstances (Covid-19, which by the way Gotabaya Rajapaksa did much to quash — efforts which were scoffed at by, I suspect, ‘these [very] people’: no cheers for all that by the way), then they can, do and even must come under fire, so to speak.

People were angry. People protested. Legit. People made demands that could not be delivered. That’s ok, for that is all legitimate in politics. Gotabaya could have come clear, said the unpalatable truths, expressed regret for errors despite good intention (let’s say), stated options being considered (if there were any) or simply said ‘there is a crisis of legitimacy, I agree, and therefore I believe that the democratic thing to do is to hold elections so the people can decide for themselves.’ He didn’t. Is that enough to call for his blood, though? If it was enough, then why didn’t ‘these people’ call for the blood of other who did much worse for so many decades?

Democracy. Let’s get back to the word/term. There are values associated with democracy and ‘these people’ have mentioned this. There’s also a thing called ‘representation.’ And so, sorry lady/ladies and/or gentleman/men, we need to unpack ‘the people’ a little, if you don’t mind.

How do we know what a collective really wants? How do we obtain the popular will? Well, elections. Sometimes there are mass uprisings. Mass uprisings can be orchestrated, particularly in times of hardship, but let’s assume that’s not what happened here, just for argument’s sake. So yes, there’s a mass uprising. What was it about? Well, it was reduced to evicting an elected president. There were some noises about system change, yes, but nothing to write home about.

And so you had ostensibly classless, religion-free, ethnicity-erased and even ideology-free people coming together. They even said it was a ‘nirpaakshika aragalaya’ or a struggle free of political parties. Now, they got what they wanted: Gota left. All well and good. Now what?  Struggle done and dusted? Victory achieved? Now that Gota has gone home, should everyone else also go home? But why should everyone go home? There was no agreement was there that if and when Gota does go home, everyone would pack up and go home themselves? Things evolve and even if they didn’t, there are people out there who are not necessarily ‘these people.’ They have political aspirations whose shelf life haven’t expired. There was no referendum on what ought to happen, after all. It was assumed that the entire country, the entire voting population wanted Gota out. Now, without a referendum, can anyone claims that the entire country wants the aragalaya to fold up and the aragalists to go home? That’s the problem of representation. No election, no way to verify anything like that. If some want to go home, sure. If others don’t, so be it. And those who left cannot tell those who didn’t ‘well, the kind of anarchy we cheered is no longer acceptable.’

Democracy. There’s more to it. ‘These people’ didn’t give a hoot about established democratic procedures and institutions until Gota left. They didn’t give a hoot about constitutionally sanctioned procedures. Now, all of a sudden, they are swearing by the very same institutions, values and processes they themselves were ever ready to subvert.

‘These people’ claim, ‘What’s happening now is NOT [THEIR] ARAGALAYA! So what happened before ‘no’ WAS their aragalaya? The arson, thuggery, looting, pillage and destruction of public and private property before July 9 WAS their kind of Aragalaya? And is it that THEIR aragalaya is done? Is Sri Lanka now ‘all set’? Is there no political crisis any more? Has the economic crisis been resolved?  

Let’s hypothetically fast-forward to, say, August 9, 2022. There are still long queues for petrol and diesel. There’s still galloping inflation. The constitution is intact (interesting fact: talk of repealing the 20th, restoring the 19th and so on seems to have disappeared). Presidential powers: intact. Sajith Premadasa is the President. There is no IMF bailout or there is and they’ve imposed conditions which exacerbate inequities and deprivation over and above ensuring chronic dependency and slavery. People are as or more anxious, fearful and incensed as they were in April, May, June and early July, 2022. The people storm the barricades. The people weather teargas, disregard water cannons, brush aside policemen and soldiers and aim to re-take President’s House, Temple Trees, Prime Minister’s office and the Presidential Secretariat. What would be the take of ‘these people’? Would they spur the aragalists to do what they’ve done in all these past few months? Would they say ‘go ahead and threaten politicians’? Would they, on social media platforms egg them on to search, ransack and burn houses? And if all that did happen, would ‘these people’ (as they did before) remain mum?

‘These people’ are not woolly-headed. They are not in cloud cuckoo land. They knew and know what they wanted/want. There are outcome preferences that have nothing to do with systems, systemic flaws and assaults on the rule of law, democratic institutions and values, and human rights.  

‘We the people.’ I would love it if anyone who has posted, re-posted or shared that note has the courage to put his/her name to it. Then, we can do a background check and figure out who is who and what is what. In the name of democracy, decency, transparency etc., etc., etc. How about it, ‘[the] people’?
 

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The BASL Proposals: A review

 

 

 
[Malinda Seneviratne is the Director/CEO of the Hector Kobbekaduwa Agrarian Research and Training Institute. These are his personal views.]



 

 


13 July 2022

When the centre cannot hold…

 


 I write (it is 12.09 pm, on Wednesday) at a time when there’s a remarkable and unprecedented lack of political clarity in the country. As I write, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa has left the country. As per the Constitution, if indeed Rajapaksa did resign, or, as reported, Rajapaksa citing Article 37.1 of the constitution , Ranil Wickremesinghe has assumed the presidency in an acting capacity. There’s ‘fighting’ within parliament with parties and politicians unable to decide on Rajapaksa’s successor and of course who the next premier should be. There’s fighting among ‘aragalists’ over representational legitimacy, ideological and political thrust, and preferred endgames.

W B Yeates, in his poem ‘The Second Coming,’ seems to have anticipated all this.

Turning and turning in the widening gyre  
The falcon cannot hear the falconer;
Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold;
Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world,
The blood-dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere  
The ceremony of innocence is drowned;
The best lack all conviction, while the worst  
Are full of passionate intensity.


That’s a nutshell-capture if ever there was one. All this is new to Sri Lanka and post-Independence generations — yes, even during the UNP-JVP bheeshanaya, the Green-Black July, the long years of terrorist-besieging and at points of economic collapse, things didn’t really fall apart. The centre did hold. Today, there’s no ‘centre’.

There’s struggle of course. That is decent enough English for ‘aragalaya,’ after all.  Actually it should have been ‘aragala' considering all pluralities pertaining to aragalists and outcome preferences, which, it was pretty obvious from the get go were glossed over by the singularity of the prominent slogan and end-point envisaged: ‘Gota go home!’ And it was not all about lofty visions of revolutionary change, system transformation and such. As my friend Kanishka Goonewardena put it, ‘It’s a bread riot, channelled into #gotagohome.’ True, at a very pertinent level, it was about availability, affordability and the political economy of entitlement.

The struggle, then, had something to do with multiplicity. For now, though, it is about what happens next in terms of the political order, crudely put it is about who takes over.  There are three broad struggles unfolding before us. One, within parliament or, let’s say, the established political order which of course is in crisis. Two, there’s a struggle outside parliament which has several subplots: a) coherence in terms of political programme, b) agreement on options on the economic front, c) crisis of representational legitimacy. Three, the conflict between ‘the aragalaya’ and the ‘political order’.  These three are not mutually exclusive of course, but such a characterisation is decent enough for analytical ease. Analytical ease notwithstanding, the way each plays out and interacts with one another is marked by one thing and one thing alone: unpredictability.

As one might expect in a mass uprising that is marked by spontaneity and the glossing over of the specific with an all-can-agree objective, the aftermath tends to favour the organised, those with specific agendas. The spoils not necessarily to the aragalists but rather the politicians and political parties, especially if we defer to parliament and constitution. The lack of coherence on all counts on things outside of ‘sending Gota home’ certainly strengthens the hand of the politician.

The eclectic nature of the aragalaya and aragalists most certainly was a necessary precondition for ‘victory’ but that’s where dreams flounder too. We say this on July 9, 2022. Everything that the aragalaya stood against was affirmed by ‘aragalists’: theft, vandalism, arson and violence of other kinds. Sure, you cannot blame everyone for the pranks of some, but there were many, academics, journalists, self-appointed radicals etc., who openly spurred them on or turned into shameless apologists. The most generous reading is that all of that was just a manifestation of the degree to which people have been disenfranchised.

As for the position(s) of the aragalaya, we can also be generous and say ‘early days; they need time to obtain coherence in terms of broader and indeed overall objectives. It will not be clean. The various pretenders to the leadership are putting forward demands/plans that range from minimalistic and decent through iffy to outrageously ridiculous.

Given that Wickremesinghe has assumed power, whether or not he has political control, and considering the declaration of curfew in the Western Province and emergency island-wide, things are coming to a head. How it unfolds is unclear. When and how the political air clears, no one can tell. At some point though, it must be understood that there was a mass movement, incoherent in objective though it was and is, that brought us to where we are right now. Everyone seems to have forgotten that it was essentially an economic and not political crisis that precipitated matters. That remains conspicuously ignored ;beyond the call for immediate relief measures, presumably on the basis of more foreign loans and debt, which is part of the problem rather than the solution, the demands do not address the structural dimension of the economic crisis confronting the country,’ as Kanishka puts it. And as he pointed out, ‘this is precisely the problem concerning which radical demands must be precisely articulated.’
 
Here are some additional and pertinent points he has made: ‘The Aragalaya—which proudly includes members of all classes—seems to have missed the local and global class dimension of the economic crisis in its demands. The limitations of the political vision of the Aragalaya, restricted to liberal constitutional reform, raises moreover the question about its own representative credentials: how does the Aragalaya authorize itself to speak in the name of the people of Sri Lanka? On what kind of democracy is the Aragalaya itself premised, in order to derive its own political legitimacy in distinction from that of the parliament, with or without constitutional reforms?
 
‘The Aragalaya is without doubt a popular and mass uprising, diverse in participants and spontaneous in evolution. As such it begs comparison with other revolutionary and non-revolutionary mass uprisings, from the bourgeois French Revolution to the workers’ Bolshevik Revolution to the more recent Arab Spring and Occupy movements. In the more successful among revolutionary uprisings, those that achieved systemic and emancipatory change at the level of social, economic and political structures, revolutionaries produced new political forms in conjunction with fundamental economic transformations. No such radicalism is so far evident in the demands of the Aragalaya—in spite of its rhetoric of radical change.
 
‘The true challenge for the Aragalaya in Sri Lanka now is to liberate itself from liberal political reformism and co-optation by the actually existing global capitalist economy, ably represented by the US Ambassador in Colombo, and to imagine what real change actually would look like and how another world is possible in Sri Lanka.’


As things stand, considering that the overall political establishment is severely compromised, nay has lost all semblance of legitimacy, whether anyone likes it or not, hope lies with the aragalaya and Aragalists. The challenges are enormous. It is easy to rubbish them and rubbished they will be, ironically, more so by the classes that never suffered and in fact benefited from the system that has come under fire. May the blood-dimmed tide be turned. May innocence recover its fragrance. May the best renew conviction and may the worst dial down passionate intensity. We are a resilient people. We must prevail.

RELATED ARTICLES: 

Recipes for co-opting and subverting #peoplepower

#De-dollarize!

The international community, the opposition and 'the people'

The 'ada davase mahanakama'

#Aragalayaleft?

Personalities and systems

The 'aragalists' and the challenge of re-mapping Sri Lanka

Tomorrow, tomorrow and so forth...

A season of (il)legitimacies 

The brink and beyond

Spontaneity and its discontents 

ලෙයට ලෙය වෙනුවට ආලය

පුද්ගල චරිත මතුවේ, නිර්පාක්ෂික හැව ගැලැවේ, අරගලය ඉදිරියටම....

The BASL Proposals: A review


malindadocs@gmail.com
[Malinda Seneviratne is the Director/CEO of the Hector Kobbekaduwa Agrarian Research and Training Institute. These are his personal views.]