08 February 2018

The cockeyed and absurd claims about Ranil’s economic expertise



Shyamon Jayasinghe, in an article published in the Colombo Telegraph (‘The political tug-o-war in Sri Lanka is cockeyed and absurd: only Ranil talks of economic goals’) dwells on the ‘dooshanaya-discourse’ or the ‘discussion on corruption.’  Shyamon makes an interesting observation:

“One never observes any printed or online media that tries to balance the imbalance and put things in perspective. They take some side or the other in the dooshanaya vs dooshanaya battle.”

He rightfully berates Maithripala Sirisena for talking as though corruption was something that the President discovered just the other day.  He then ridicules, quite rightly, ‘the Rajapaksa clan’ for attacking the ruling party of the dooshanaya disease.  The Rajapaksas, he claims, are the main proponents of dooshanaya.

That’s it.  Nothing of the United National Party. Nothing of Ranil Wickremesinghe. it is as though he would have us believe that there has been no dooshanaya whatsoever post January 8, 2015.  Instead, he claims he is bored by dooshanaya talk.  Interestingly, after these charges and silences, Shyamon laments that he never observes ‘any printed or online media [trying] to balance the imbalance and put things in perspective.’

The reason is not hard to understand, for he then proceeds to sing the praises of Ranil Wickremesinghe.  Objective much, one must say (tongue in cheek of course!).  

Let’s fill in some blanks here.  The biggest heist ever that has been associated with the Central Bank happened under Ranil Wickremesinghe’s watch. The man at the centre of the scam is not only a personal friend, but one who has at best an iffy track record when one considers his stint as BoI Chairman when Wickremesinghe was Prime Minister (2001-2004).  He was and is Ranil’s man.  Wickremesinghe defended Arjuna Mahendran even after it became apparent that there had been hanky-panky involving Arjuna Mahendra and his son-in-law Arjun Aloysius.  When the COPE report on the Central Bank bond issue was about to be published, Ranil, through his new found friend Sirisena, got Parliament dissolved. 

Ranil went further.  He took control of the Finance Minister and continued to defend Mahendran.  The UNP’s Deputy Leader, Ravi Karunanayake was implicated, later.  Both disgraced men were rewarded and ‘looked after’ by Wickremesinghe by way of appointments conferred subsequent to them being moved out of their jobs. The fall guy, as they say, is taken care of by the real crook.  

Anyway, Shyamon is bored of dhooshanaya talk.  After leaving out an important part of the dhooshanaya story, he wants us to believe that Ranil Wickremesinghe and Ranil Wickremesinghe alone thinks of ‘The Economy.’  He takes care not to talk about the one tangible economic goal that was secured: the mega bucks his friends made over the last three years. Sri Lanka has slipped in the Corruption Index under Ranil Wickremesinghe’s watch and you can’t just point fingers at Maithripala because they are a thick-as-thieves in this, literally and metaphorically .

To put things in perspective and as a hint regarding what probably happened, the party that couldn’t pay the electricity bill of Sirikotha in 2014 ran a massively expensive election campaign in August 2015 and is currently doling out billions for the local government election.  Talk about having an eye on economic goals, eh?

Instead he talks of positives as per his obviously blind faith in neoliberal economic policies: 

Foreign direct investment is impressive debt management and fiscal management is improving and the economy is slowly looking up. PM goes all over the world on economic missions with little gratitude from even the President who now says he will take over the running of the economy!

Let’s not talk about google balloons, Volkswagen factories and free wifi.  Let’s talk facts.

Waruna Singappuli, in an article published in the Daily FT on February 7 titled ‘Economic policy: are we down the wrong lane?’ gives the data that Shyamon doesn’t seem to be aware of or else ignores altogether in the brain-freeze that seems to creep in when talking about the United National Party and Ranil Wickremesinghe. 



The Central Bank figures indicate, as Singappuli points out, that GDP growth has been ‘anaemic,’ being less than 5% over the past two years.  It is predicted that the 2017 figures would probably be lower than 4%, ‘the lowest growth since the war ended in 2009.’  Per Capita GDP is stagnant, the numbers show.  




How about the ‘impressive debt management’ that Shyamon talks of? Well, Singappuli, quoting Central Bank figures, demonstrates that ‘in absolute terms the total Government debt has increased by 39% from Rs 7,391 Bn at the end of 2014 to Rs 10,269 Bn by September 2017.  The Debt to GDP ratio, he points out, has gone up from 71% at end 2014 to 79% in September 2017. Singappuli puts it down to poor economic growth.  The policy of boosting government revenue by increasing taxes hasn’t worked, he says.  While acknowledging that tax hikes are not necessarily the only reason for weak growth, it is a key factor, Singappuli adds. 

He goes on to offer options.  I shall not repeat his cogent arguments.  The article can be found here.  

FDIs (calculated with borrowings) stood at US $ 1,685 Mn in 2014, came down to US $ 1,160 Mn in 2015, dropped further to US $ 1,079 Mn in 2016 and went up to US $1,630 Mn (projected) in 2017 thanks of course to China.   The 'sharp rise' in 2017 is from Chinese investment which accounted for 35% of FDIs to Sri Lanka in 2017 (until September) according to the Ministry of Development Strategies and International Trade. The Chinese ‘slice’ for 2017 is predicted to be in the region of  US $ 1.36 billion.  So much for the 'efforts' of Wickremesinghe and the UNP!

Yes, China.  Since Shyamon talks of the globe-trotting genius prime minister that we have, let’s elaborate.  This genius and his party lambasted China for years during the previous regime. It gambled on the West, convinced that the US and Europe would help out.  They had forgotten that China and Japan own North American and European debt.  The wide-eyed wonder of wonders who in Shyamon’s eyes can do no wrong suddenly woke up when Brexit happened.  Out of the blue, the man says, ‘we are planning to look East’.  What’s this ‘East’?  China!  So much for ‘going all over the world on economic missions’!  And we are supposed to say ‘thank you Ranil’?  

The economy is not looking up. It can’t when the handlers are navel-gazing and seem to believe that they were mandated to do nothing else than blame the previous regime for present ills. That and lining the pockets of the near and dear.

‘Cockeyed and absurd claims,’ yes.  And there’s nothing more cockeyed and absurd than claiming that Ranil knows a helluva lot about the economy.  Note: talking of economic goals is one thing, delivering is something totally different.  



ගම සුජීලගේ, ගම හදන්නෙත් සුජීලා හොඳේ?


ගමේ නම කුඩමාදූව. තියෙන්නේ කොට්ටාවයි පිලියන්දලයි අතර.  ගමේ ළමයින්ට සහ තරුණයින්ට සෙල්ලම් කරන්න තැනක් තිබුනේ නැහැ.  එයාල සෙල්ලම් කෙරුවේ පන්සල් වත්තේ නැත්තම් රබර් වතු වල.  ලස්සනට අවුරුදු උත්සවයක් වත් කරන්න තැනක් තිබුනේ නැහැ.  

සුජී කියල තමයි එයාට හැමෝම කිව්වේ.  නම සුජීව පුෂ්පකුමාර දොළොස්වල. ගමේ සැලූන් එක කරන්නේ සුජී.  සුජී ට වගේම ගමේ අනෙක් තරුණයින්ටත් ක්‍රීඩා පිටියක් අවශ්‍ය වුනා.  ඉඩම් තිබුන ට අයිතිකරුවන් ඒවාට මිලියන් ගණන් ඉල්ලුවා. 

පන්සලේ ලොකු හාමුදුරුවෝ, කලවැල්ලාරාගම චන්දානන්ද ස්වාමීන් වහන්සේ සුජීලට කිව්වේ හැමෝම එකතු වෙලා පිළිවෙලකට මේක කරන්න කියල යි.  සුජීලා පත්‍රිකාවක් මුද්‍රණය කරලා බෙදුවා. හැමෝම පන්සලට කැඳෙව්වා . ඉතින් කුඩමාදුව ක්‍රීඩා සමාජය නිලධාරීන් තෝරලා අරමුදලක් පටන් ගත්ත. ගමේ අය සල්ලි එකතු කලාට රුපියල් 20,000 යි එකතු වුනේ.  දේශපාලනඥයින්  ට  කිව්වට කිසිම දෙයක් කෙරුවේ නැහැ.  

"ගමේ මී හරක් බලාගන්න ඉන්දික දවසක් කිව්වා අත්හැරලා තියෙන කුඹුරක් විකුනන්නනවා කියල.  විකුනනවා කිව්වට අයිතිකාරයා මුලින් අදිමදි කෙරුව.  සුජීලා හාමුදුරුවොත් එක්ක ගිහින් අයිතිකාරයාව වැඩේට කැමති කර ගත්තා.  ගමේම ඉන්න නීතීඥ මහත්තයෙක් ඔප්පුවේ අවුල් නිරවුල් කරන්න ඉදිරිපත් වුනා.  මිනින්දෝරුවෙක් අල්ලාගෙන ඉඩම මැන ගත්තා.  ආයෙත් සල්ලි එකතු කරන්න පටන්ගත්ත.  ඉඩම මිලදී ගත්තා. ඒත් ඉඩම සකස් කරන්න තව ලොකු ගානක් හොයන්න වුනා."

සුජී විස්තර කෙරුවේ එහෙමයි.  මහා ඇමති දවසක් ඇවිත් මිලියන 3ක් දෙන්න පොරොන්දු වෙලා තියෙනවා.  ගමෙන් සල්ලි එකතු කරන්න අවශ්‍ය නැහැ කියලත් එතුමා කියල තියෙනවා.  ඒ වුනාට අවසානයේ එයාගේ ලේකම් කියල තියෙන්නේ වැඩේ වෙන්නේ නැහැ කියලයි.  සුජීලා අසරණ වුනා.  ඒත් වැඩේ ඇත හරියේ නැහැ.  ටික කාලයක් යන්න දීලා ආයෙත් සල්ලි එකතු කරන්න පටන්ගත්තා.

"අපි ගෙයින් ගෙට ගියා.  සමහරු සැකෙන් බැලුව.  සමහරු බැන්නා. ඒත් බොහෝ දෙනෙක් උදව් කෙරුව," සුජී එහෙමයි කියන්නේ.

පිට්ටනියට යන්න පාරක් තිබුනේ නැහැ මුලින්.  ඒක හදාගන්නත් තව ඉඩමකින් පර්චස් ගණනක් ගන්න සිද්ධ වුනා.  ඉඩමට පිවිසෙන්න පාලමක් හදා ගන්නත් ඕන වුනා.  සජීලා සරුංගල් උළෙලක් සංවිධානය කරලා ඒකෙන් ලැබුන ආදායමෙන් ඒ වැඩෙත් කර ගත්තා. 

ගමේ හැමෝම වගේ උදව් කෙරුව.  සල්ලි දුන්නා.  උපදෙස් දුන්නා. තාක්ෂණික කාරණා විසඳගන්න අදාළ දැනුම තියෙන අයව සම්බන්ධ කරලා දුන්නා.  ඩෝසර් කරන්න ආව අයට කෑම හදල දුන්න.  තේ හදල දුන්නා.  විශේෂයෙන්ම ලොකු හාමුදුරුවෝ දිගටම සුජීලව උනන්දු කෙරුව.  හාමුදුරුවෝ ලොකු ශක්තියක් වුනා. 

දැන් වැඩේ අවසන්.  

"අපි මේ පාර පිරිතකුත් කියල අවුරුදු උත්සවය තියන්නේ අපේම ග්‍රවුන්ඩ් එකේ," සුජී ආඩම්බරයෙන් කිව්වා.  
ඒත් සුජී ම කියන විදිහට මේක සුජී ගේ වැඩක් නෙවෙයි.  මුළු ගමේම වැඩක්.  ගම විසින්, ගම සමග, ගම සඳහා කරපු වැඩක්.  තව අවුරුදු ගානක් ගියාට පස්සේ කුඩමාදුව ට ක්‍රීඩා පිටියක් ලැබුනේ කොහොමද කියල කවුරුවත් දන්නේ නැතිවෙයි.  එහෙම තමයි වෙන්නේ.  ඇතැම් විට කව්රුහරි කියයි අහවල් ඇමති තුමා තමයි මේ වැඩේ කරලා දුන්නේ කියල.  ඒවා එහෙම තමයි සිද්ධ වෙන්නේ.  

ඒ කොහොම වුනත් පරම්පරා ගානකට සෙල්ලම් කරන්න, උත්සව පවත්වන්න තැනක් තියෙනවා.  ගම කාටවත් දෙන්න අවශ්‍ය නැහැ.  ගම්මු හිඟන්නෝ නෙවෙයි.  

සුජී කියන විදිහට වෙන්න ඕනේ පොඩි දෙයක්: "එකමුතු කමයි උවමනාවයි තියෙනවා නම් අපට කරන්න බැරි දෙයක් නැහැ!"  එහෙම කිව්වේ අඩි හප්පලා මහා හඬින් නෙවෙයි.  පුංචි සිනහවක් එක්ක හීන් හඬින්. ඒ සුජී ගේ හැටි.  ඒ ගමේ මිනිස්සුන්ගේ විදිහ. 

ගම අයිති සුජීලට.  ගම කරන්නෙත් හදන්නෙත් සුජීලමයි.  එච්චරයි. 

"මගේ ඇස අග" තීරුවේ තවත් ලිපි"

Local Government Elections: There are no lesser evils

Cartoon by Gihan de Chickera
The major political parties are poor.  Their poverty is clearly indicated by the fact that all of them, without exception, are using the language of default option.  We hear sentences beginning with ‘at least,’ as in ‘at least now there are no white van abductions,’ or ‘at least then we had development’.  We hear tired pleas such as ‘vote for the known devil,’ ‘support the party,’ ‘we may not be the best, but we are better than those other people,’ and of course the ever-popular default, ‘the lesser evil.’

The logic is simple and simplistic: since there are no saints, we might as well opt for the best of the bad lot.  That’s one way of seeing it.  Here’s another: there are no competent parties or candidates so let’s pick the less incompetent one.  And this: all these fellows are rogues, so let’s choose the pickpocket instead of the big time swindlers.  

The parties are poor, then.  Is the voter poverty-stricken too, though?  What is the value that the voter places on his or her vote?  Does it come with a lesser-evil tag or one that says ‘known devil’ where ‘known’ is taken to be proxy for loyalty?  Is that what responsible citizenship has come down to?  What then of self-respect, dignity and honor?  

Let’s survey the field.  Let’s begin with the United National Party.  Let’s leave aside the jokes about google balloons, free wifi and Volkswagen factories.  Let’s forget the good-governance lie.  All lesser-evil notions were effectively dismissed by the Central Bank Bond issue scam.  That’s what counts.  The crooks were aided and abetted.  They were defended, protected and rewarded by the UNP leadership.  We don’t have to even talk about ‘lesser crimes’ such as nepotism, abuse of state resources and patronage-politics, the choice is simple: do you want to endorse, taint your vote and compromise your self-respect?

The Sri Lanka Freedom Party went along with all this.  Even with reduced powers courtesy the 19th Amendment, President Maithripala Sirisena could have acted.  He twiddled his thumbs so to speak.  Nepotism, abuse of state resources, insulting the voter by taking into Parliament through the National List those rejected by the voters, ridiculous statements, rank incompetence on multiple counts outweigh last minute ‘action,’ clearly politically motivated, to bring to book wrongdoers.  Again, a simple question: do you want to endorse, taint your vote and compromise your self-respect? 

Together, these two parties have not only betrayed the trust placed on them by the majority of the voters to put things right.  Indeed they have by crimes of commission and omission turned ‘good governance’ into a cuss word. They are unabashedly corrupt, utterly incompetent and absolutely clueless about governance, forget the ‘good’ version of it.

The Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna has used these developments to its advantage.  They have been afforded the out of dismissing charges against them. ‘Those who robbed the Central Bank don’t have the right to talk about our wrongs!’  True, but the voter has the right to talk about wrongs done by all parties, now as well as then.  That the yahapalanists took chapters out of the previous regime’s book is not a cause for celebration by the SLPP nor a justification of all the wrongs they are guilty of.  There was theft, padding the bank accounts of the near and dear, gross abuse of power, tinkering with the constitution for personal gain and other crimes which deny the leadership the right to cry foul over the misdeeds of the UNP and SLFP.  There has been no remorse whatsoever about any of these things.  A simple question, then: do you want to endorse, taint your vote and compromise your self-respect?

There’s the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna.  This party has shamelessly buttressed all the above political formations at one time or another.  They too have blood on their hands.  They still use strong-arm tactics on political foes in universities and other places where they enjoy power.  They have endorsed and backed the corrupt and incompetent.  That’s it.  Do you want to endorse, taint your vote and compromise your self-respect?

What then? Who, then? There’s a neat answer that all these parties use: vote for the individual, forget the party.  The individual, ladies and gentlemen, is in the pocket of the party.  The local government body is in the pocket of the particular party leader.  And we know how obnoxious party leaders and parties are.  

An independent?  Well, you could try that, but my hunch is that independents who win will be purchased and fast immediately after the election.

Where does that leave us?  Quite alone I’m afraid come to think of it.  Bottom line: we can’t trust any of these parties. We don’t have the luxury of playing relative merits. ‘Lesser evil’ is not an option, let’s not fool ourselves.  If we vote for ‘the known devil’ then we are essentially saying ‘I am fine with devilry!’  Is that who we are or who we want to be?

Ideally, the ballot paper should have a default option: ‘None of the above!’  Unfortunately it does not.  

I can’t speak for others.  I value my self-respect. I will stay home. 

Malinda Seneviratne is a freelance writer. malindasenevi@gmail.com

07 February 2018

A surrealistic encounter with Pablo Neruda


A random email from a stranger inquiring about a Sri Lankan Chilean took me to an article I had written 14 years ago.  The stranger sent me a link, which was what had prompted the email in the first place. I had forgotten all about it.  Pablo Neruda brought together Eda Cleary, a Chilean and me, a Sri Lankan.  Common love for his poetry brought us to common ground, one might say.   Anyway, here's what I wrote, an account of a tribute to that great earth-poet born in Chile, a poet of love and of course a poet of the people, Pablo Neruda.


It was around ten years ago that I first browsed through Neruda's 'Memoirs.' I looked for and found the book in the Peradeniya library. I just wanted to read about his time in 'Ceylon'. It was all too brief, I recall. The browsing, I mean.

But two weeks ago, my sister gifted me a new edition of the poet's biographical musings. It did not strike me, as I allowed Neruda to walk me through his life, his oceans and continents, roots and sorrows, his roads and encounters, as I traced the tapestry these threads wove, that June 11, 2004 would be his birth centennial.

I knew this only last Sunday, the 10th, when I saw a newspaper notice announcing a celebration of sorts organised by the ICES (International Centre for Ethnic Studies). The commemoration was to include an address by Tissa Abeysekera, a recitation of Neruda's poetry and the Italian film 'II Postino' directed by Michael Radford. I went. I heard and saw. I was floored by it all.

Senake Bandaranayake chaired the proceedings. He sketched Neruda's life for us and went a little overboard with it, I thought. The room, packed though it was, was nevertheless small. Those who came, one would have expected, knew enough about Neruda to be spared this.

But then again, I reasoned, anyone who was familiar with Neruda and was touched by his poetry naturally tends to lose track of trivial things such as time and proportion. A slide show of photographs of the young Neruda as diplomat in 'Ceylon', including his residence in Wellawatte, was an unexpected gift. It was well received.

Tissa came next, but I must come to him later, for Prof. Bandaranayake promised us that a Chilean Sri Lankan would also address us. Another unexpected "gift", I presume it was meant to be.

Roberto (I forget his last name) talked about Neruda. He educated us about the Latin American diplomatic traditions. He said that all students in Chile would be reading Neruda that day. Roberto, apparently, had been working for the World Bank "mission" in Sri Lanka. "What would Neruda have said?" I wondered. He did not speak about the World Bank. But he knew all about imperialism.

All about capitalism. He knew about the violence, the blood, the dismemberment and misery unleashed by these monsters. Neruda certainly would have had something to say to all those present. Bandaranayake clearly did not see any contradiction. Nothing in what he said about Roberto betrayed even a trace of irony, even though he did mouth some veiled misgivings about globalisation, the new name for capitalism.

I thought Tissa would have made the pertinent point, but then again, he himself seems to have, in his practice at least, evolved beyond Trotskyism's dogmatic trappings. Maybe he has evolved too much.

Tissa's piece was exquisite. He proved that his considerable work in film-making had in no way made him forget the great truth of Neruda's poetry: the word is no less visual in the matter of narration. It was a crafted and marvellously executed meditation that only someone who has allowed Neruda to become resident in his or her sensibilities and who has a superior ability to employ the word could deliver.

Like Neruda's work, Tissa's gathering and juxtaposition was not without political problems. He spent quite some time saluting his "mentor", Regi Siriwardena. A card carrying member of the LSSP bowing low to a communist is certainly worthy of comment, but I believe Tissa consciously or unconsciously demonstrated that the ideological baggage of Trotskyism sits light on his mind. Since Neruda has clearly touched him, this should not come as a surprise.

Neruda, an ardent communist himself, and a defender of Stalin and Stalinism, did after all entertain doubts, both about Stalinism and Soviet dogmatism in the arts. He was a communist who did not see a contradiction between his internationalism and his fervent nationalism, his patriotic love of and nostalgia for his native Chile. Neruda, especially towards the latter part of his life, became a root-seeker and his search for humanity's sacred congealing elements became more nuanced. As he moved with greater fidelity to the import of history, event and personality, he refused to be entrapped in Marxism's doctrinal binds, especially its culture-blindness.

The recitation. The selection was thin in that the Captain's Verses is a collection wherein there is only a sip from the wide waters of Neruda's range of subjects. Neruda describes the book, written while in exile, as "a book of love, passionate but also painful," containing his love for Matilde Urrutia, his wife, homesickness for Chile, and the passions of social consciousness.

The political side is present more as a shadow and an absence. The selection from the Internet did nothing to compensate either, for, unfortunately, Neruda lovers in cyberspace know him almost exclusively through the film. 'II Postino' and the typical search takes you to many websites carrying the poem that comes just before the credits. "It was at that time that poetry came to me..." Sandra Fernando gave a competent performance, dramatic without compromising the music of nuance.

The film came next. Bandaranayake thought it important that the audience be warned of what he believed was the injustice done by the film to Neruda's political sentiments and indeed the pride and passion with which he carried and articulated his political concerns. Introductions and explications of something creative before the reader can get his or her hands on the creation, generally put me off.

To begin with, II Postino is not a documentary on the poet and was never marketed as such. It does not even matter in the end, for, as the postman himself points out, "poetry does not belong to those who write it, but to those who need it." Bandaranayake ought to know that such needs are eminently subjective.

Speaking strictly for myself, I found nothing in the film that contradicted Neruda's deep concern with the human condition. Indeed, I could not help thinking, as they showed how the police waded into a communist rally, which resulted in the death of our hero, Mario Ruoppolo the postman, this is what the World Bank does everyday to people whose hands Neruda relentlessly sought in his poetic and political lives, so inseparable from one another. The politics does not have to arrive with a shout, holding a banner.

There are softer ways, as or more effective.

Neruda was born one hundred years ago. Garcia Marquez was correct when he said that Neruda was a King Midas of literature, that whatever he touched turned into poetry and that even when his poetry got him into murky ideological waters, it contained the glorious quality of rising above it all simply on account of its poetic splendour. He was that good.

In the long twentieth century that has passed, his love and poetry has travelled far and wide, and among its many residences, ironically, is the ICES, ideologically so problematic and out of sync with Neruda's anti-fascist and anti-imperialist sensibilities, for reasons I have articulated elsewhere. Takes nothing away from the man.

And nothing from his poetry either. Or his love of life. Which is why, I believe, I do not cringe when I say, "Thank you ICES". Especially for inviting Tissa Abeysekera to let us borrow his discerning eyes to see Pablo Neruda. It was, all in all, an elegant tribute.

First published on July 18, 2004 in the Sunday Observer

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06 February 2018

එජාපයේ හදවත, හිත සහ වෙනත් අවයව


පුංචි ඡන්දේට එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය තොර ගත්ත සටන් පාඨය 'ගම හදන ආණ්ඩුව'.  මේකෙන් මුලින් ම කියවෙන්නේ ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන වත් ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂය වත් 'යහපාලන' ආණ්ඩුවේ පාර්ශවකරුවන් නොවන බවයි.  ඒක වෙන කතාවක්.  කියන දේ වගේම නොකියන දෙයකුත් තියෙනවා.  සමහර අවස්ථා වලදී හංගන්න හදන දේ ඉස්මතු වෙනවා.  කට බොරු කිව්වත් දිව බොරු කියන්නේ නැහැ කියනවා වගේ.

කට එජාපයේ. දිව රෝසි ගේ.  එජාපයේ බොරුවේ තරමයි හැඩයයි රෝසිගේ ප්‍රකාශ වලින් පැහැදිලි වෙනවා. 

මුලින් කිව්වේ දුක්ගැනවිල්ලක්. පස්සේ කිව්වේ ආඩම්බරකාර කතාවක්.  දෙකම විමසමු.

'පහුගිය ආණ්ඩුව කාලේ හම්බන්තොට ට කිරි, කොළඹට කැකිරි,' රෝසි කිව්වේ දුකෙන් වගේ.  රෝසි නොකියා කියන්නේ මේකයි: හම්බන්තොට නෙවෙයි කොළඹ හැරුනම වෙන කොහේ වුනත් මිනිස්සු හැමදාම කැකිරි කෑවට කමක් නැහැ. එයාලට කිරි නැති වුනාටත් කමක් නෑ.  කොළඹට කිරි තියෙනවනම් ඇති.'

ඒත් ඇත්තටම කොළඹට පහුගිය ආණ්ඩුව දුන්නේ කැකිරි ද?  මට නම් පේන විදිහට කොළඹට හැමදාම කිරි ලැබුන.  කොළඹට ලැබෙන කිරි සප්ලයි එක ටිකක් එහා මෙහා වුනා නම් ඒ ප්‍රභාකරන් ට පින්සිද්ධ වෙන්නයි.  කොහොම වුනත් 2009 මැයි මාසෙන් පස්සේ නම් කොළඹට සුපිරි කාලයක් උදා වුනා.  කිරි ඕන තරම්...කැකිරි නැත්තට ම නැති තරම්! 2015 න් පස්සේ නම් ටිකක් අවුල් වුනා තමයි.  කිරි වගේම කැකිරිත් කොළඹට ලැබුනා.  ඒත් ඒවා රෝසිලාට පෙනුනේ නැහැ.     

එහෙනම් රෝසි මේ තටමන්නේ මොනවා කියන්නද?  මට හිතෙන්නේ මෙහෙම දෙයක් වෙන්න ඇති:

'කොළඹ කියන්නේ කොළඹම නෙවෙයි. කොළඹ කියල මම අදහස් කරන්නේ රටේ පාලන බලය.  ඒ බලය අහිමි වෙනකොට කොළඹක් නෑ වගේ. අපිත් නෑ වගේ.  එතකොට කොළඹ පෙන්නේ කැකිරි යායක් වගේ. කිරි බින්දුවක් වත් නැහැ වගේ.  අපට බැහැ හැමදාම කැකිරි-පක්ෂයක් වෙලා ඉන්න.  අපට ඕන ආයෙත් කිරි-පක්ෂයක් වෙන්න.  එතකොට කිරි ටික කොළඹ තියාගෙන කැකිරි වෙන පළාත්වලට බෙදන්න හෝ නොබෙදාම ඉන්න අපට තියෙන පූජනීය අයිතිය නැවතත් ලැබෙනවා.'   

එයාට තියෙන්නේ පැලැන්තියේ ප්‍රශ්නයක්.  පැලැන්තිය දේශපාලනය තුල කොන් වුන ප්‍රශ්නයක්.  මෙතැන තියෙන්නේ දුකක්. සාංකාවක්. ඒ හින්දමයි මේ වැලපිල්ල.  රෝසි ගේ දෙවෙනි ප්‍රකාශය මේ අදහස තහවුරු කරනවා.

රෝසි මෙහෙම කියල තියෙනවා: 'කොළඹ කියන්නේ එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ හෘදය වස්තුවයි.' මේක තමයි ආඩම්බරකාට කතාව.  මෙතන තමයි තියෙන්නේ රනිල් නොකියන, පක්ෂයක් හැටියට නොපිළිගන්න එනමුත් රනිල්ගෙත් පක්ෂයේත් ප්‍රතිපත්තිමය හරය. ඒක තමයි රෝසිගේ කියැවුණු ඇත්ත.

කොළඹ කියන්නේ එජාපයේ හෘදය වස්තුව නම් එජාපයේ බොක්ක බොක්කාවලද? එතකොට කිලිනොච්චිය කියන්නේ කිහිල්ල ද? මාපට ඇඟිල්ල මාපලගම ද? ආනමඩුව කියන්නේ ආමාශය ද? නිවිතිගල නියපොත්ත ද? නාඋල කියන්නේ නළල ද? බෙල්ලන්විල බෙල්ල ද? කොළඹ එජාපයේ හෘදයවස්තුව නම් අපේ ගම එජාපයේ මොකද්ද? විලුඹ ද, නාභිය ද, මවිල් ගසක් ද, ඉන්නෙක් ද?

ඔය වගේ ප්‍රශ්න ගණනාවක් අහන්න පුළුවන්.  ඒ හැම ප්‍රශ්නෙටම හිනා යන උත්තර ගොඩාක් තියෙන්නත් පුළුවන්.  ඒත් රෝසි කියනනේ හරිම සරල දෙයක්:

එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂෙට වැදගත් වෙන්නේ කොළඹ විතරයි.  'ගම' කියන්නේ සටන් පාඨයකට එකතු කරන්න සිද්ධ වෙන දෙයක්, කාලෙන් කාලෙට.  ගම අවශේෂයි. ගම අවුල්. ගම අදාලම නැහැ.  කිරි-කැකිරි ගැන භූගෝලය ගැන වත් රට තුල පවතින විෂමතා ගැන වත් ශිෂ්‍යත්ව පන්තියේ ළමයෙක් තරම් වත් දැනුමක් නැති විදිහට රෝසි දොඩන්නේ මේ නිසා කියල අනුමාන කරන්න පුළුවන්. 

එහෙමයි එජාපය හිතන්නේ.  කොළොඹ තමයි එක.  ඒකෙ දෙකක් නැහැ එයාල ට. මෙතන කොළඹ කියන්නේ නගර සභාව ට අයිති භූමිය ම නෙවෙයි.  කොළඹ කියල එයාල දකින්නේ දේශපාලන බලයයි. වෙන මොකක්වත් නෙවෙයි.  තමන්ගේ පැලැන්තිය දිනවන, පැලැන්තියේ පැවැත්ම තහවුරු වන සමාජ දේශපාලන, ආර්ථික වටපිටාවට වෙන්න ඕන රෝසි 'කොළඹ' කියල කියන්නේ. 

ගම අදාල නැති පක්ෂයකට 'ගම හදන ආණ්ඩුව අපි ය' කියල කියන්න අයිතියක් නැහැ. කොළඹ නොවන සියලු පළාත් වල ට හදගැස්මක් තියෙනවා නම් ඒක රෝසි ට වත් රනිල් ට වත් ඇහෙන්න විදිහක් නැහැ.  එහෙම හෘදස්පන්දනයක් තියෙන්න නම් හදවතක් තියෙන්න ඕන. ඒත් හදවත තියෙන්නේ කොළඹ.  වෙන තැන් වල සෙසු අවශේෂ අවයව, එජාපයේ අවධානයට ලක් නොවන. නෝ හදවත් ඔන්ලි අනවශ්‍ය පාට්ස්.   

ඔන්න ඕක තමයි රනිල් නොකිව්වත්, පක්ෂය නොපිළිගත්තත් රෝසි හෙළිදරව් කරන එජාපයේ දේශපාලන දැක්මේ හරය සහ හෘදස්පන්දනය.

මේ බව කිසිම සැකයක් ඉතුරු නොවන විදිහට පහදලා දුන්නට රෝසි සේනානායක ට බොහොම පිං! 

The UNP’s heart, mind and other body parts



There’s a pithy Sinhala saying that probably predates Sigmund Freud’s notion of the slip that reveals the deliberately concealed truth: කට බොරු කිව්වත් දිව බොරු කියන්නේ නෑ (even if the mouth lies, the tongue does not). So we are talking about mouths and tongues.  And we are talking about the United National Party (UNP).

The official campaign slogan of the UNP at the forthcoming local government elections is ‘ගම හදන ආණ්ඩුව’ (the government that develops the village). It implies of course that the UNP, for all of Ranil Wickremesinghe’s rhetoric to the contrary, has had enough of the Unity/Yahapalana arrangement with President Maithripala Sirisena and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP). That however is incidental here.

What counts is what the mouth said and what the tongue betrayed. The tongue, in this case is the UNP’s mayoral candidate for Colombo, Rosy Senanayake.  

It is natural during election campaigns toss around promises and brag about services rendered to the particular electorate. I don’t have issue with that kind of thing. It is also natural to shoot one’s mouth and slip out something that says too much.  

Rosy has said a lot and one can argue has done a lot too. For example, she played a major role in getting legislation through to improve women’s representation. That’s Rosy. What about Rosy as a UNP candidate and an articulator of UNP policy and thinking?

There are two things she said that reveal a lot. First, she claimed that under the previous regime Hambantota got kiri and Colombo got kekiri, a clear play on an old JVP slogan on regional disparity ( කොළඹට කිරි අපට  කැකිරි). Then she said that Colombo is the heart of the United National Party.  

Now when did Colombo get kekiri and when was it denied kiri? Also, is Rosy saying that Hambantota and all other places apart from Colombo should get kekiri and nothing else? Only someone who is utterly ignorant of development gaps between Colombo and the rest of the country could make such a claim. As for Colombo getting kekiri, only someone with a very short memory and suffers from myopia could say something like that. 

If Colombo is pretty now then it was made of squalor before 2009. If by January 2015 Colombo got kiri by way of the analogy, then post-2015 it’s well on the road towards becoming a kekirilanthaya. 

How then are we to read Rosy’s angst? It can’t be about physical realities such as infrastructure and essential amenities. It is probably about who ruled the country and the city. It is about a class that was denied political-kiri for a long time. Yes, they were a kekiri-party. This is what’s being extrapolated into a skewed description of geographies.  

The second statement is an elaboration of this mindset.  Let’s repeat. Rosy says ‘Colombo is the heart of the party.’  Now let’s ask some questions.

If Colombo is the heart of the UNP, is Jaffna its jaw? Is Bowatte its bowels? Is Nivithigala its knee? Is Tholangamuwa its toenail? Is Anamaduwa its armpit? Is Buttala its buttocks? Is Rikillagaskada its wrist? Is Penideniya its pancreas? Is Nochchiyagama its nose? What is the UNP’s appendix, what is its kidney, what is its hard palette, where are its incisors, eyelashes, eardrum, knuckles, heel and foot? You can think hard about your electorate, which to most would their political heart, and ask what body part the UNP sees it as. 


Rosy reveals and how! Essentially the UNP cares only about Colombo and ‘Colombo’ is not a geographical location but a social class which, Rosy feels clearly, got political kekiri for a while after swimming in kiri for decades. The UNP sees anything that’s not ‘Colombo’ as dispensable, negligible or made for neglect. 


Whatever it is, it is not ‘heart’.  It’s lesser. That’s what the UNP brain says. It’s an ‘Us-First and Last’ kind of thinking.  And the ගම (village) is at best an afterthought. Condescending and humiliating, really. That’s Rosy’s tongue speaking the truth that the UNP-mouth dares not utter. Her tongue is the UNP’s mind.  The other body parts, obviously lesser in their eyes, would do well to take note.

Sujeewa Pushpakumara Doloswala owns the local government


Let’s get to the name and the man later.  Let’s begin with what this is all about.  Local Government.  Local government elections, that is.  In other words, municipal councils, urban councils and pradesheeya sabhas; all reduced, in the parlance of the political, to the gama or village.  

Whether it is a candidate or a party, a man or a woman, a seasoned politician or a newcomer, the (at this point) respectful request is ‘give me/us the gama.’  Respectful’ because the candidate and the party need the voter.  Once vote is cast it’s another story. We know that script too well to go over it.

There’s no ‘virgin gama’ any more; no self-contained, self-sufficient and internally coherent entity that is geographically describable.  People move.  They commute from gama to nagaraya for work.  It’s a small country after all.  They move out and settle elsewhere.  And the town enters the village in numerous ways too.  First there were newspapers, then radio and television and now smart phones and the internet.  And people who go out, either for employment or education, also come back and when they do, they have ‘town-stories’ to tell.  

So when people talk of ‘gama’ and local government authority as one and the same or use the former as a proxy for the latter, it’s a bit misleading if not promotion of a downright falsehood.  But these are do-gooder days and do-gooding (or promising to do-good) days.  They all want the villagers to come together and deliver the village to them.  ‘They’ as in politicians.  It’s essentially an ‘I am your savior’ kind of charade.   

As for the villagers, they are supposed to convince themselves that they are a bunch of impotent nincompoops who are all of a sudden offered the unexpected gift of having someone sort out their problems. 

But then again, there are villagers who know what’s what.  They know that it is best not to depend on anyone else simply because they’ve been lied to, hoodwinked and cheated time and again.

Sujeewa Pushpakumara Doloswala wasn’t thinking about such things.  He wanted a playground for the village.  It was not just him of course.  It’s a bunch of young people living in a village called Kudamaduwa, located between Piliyandala and Kottawa.  

For years, they had petitioned politicians to get them a piece of land which they could turn into a playground.  Politicians are full of promises and not just when there’s an election around the corner.  They were asked to identify a plot of state land.  There were none.

So they played in rubber estates and in the premises of the village templed.  They did not give up though.  

Finally, Sujeewas, known to all as Sujee, gathered everyone and said ‘let’s buy a piece of land.’  They went to the Chief Incumbent of the temple, Rev Kalawellaragama Chandananda Thero for guidance. The Thero advised them to go about it in a systematic way.  So a leaflet was printed and distributed.  Everyone in the village were summoned to the temple.  Not everyone came, but a considerable number did.  The old and the young, men and women, all came together.  

That was how the Kudamaduwa Sports Club came to be formed.  Office-bearers were elected.  They figured they would need around 6 million rupees to buy a piece of land that was suitable, a rubber estate.  They were around the village soliciting contributions. In the first round they managed to collect 20,000 rupees. Anyway, the owner decided he didn’t want to sell it.

Then one day, Indika, who looked after buffaloes in the village, told them of an abandoned paddy field that was up for sale.  However, the owner had been reluctant at first. 

‘So we went to meet him.  The office-bearers and the haamuduruwo.  There were issues with the property.  First, there was no access road.  The deeds weren’t clear.  There was no survey plan.  Tissa Mahattaya, the lawyer in our village, told us to get it surveyed and that he would thereafter get the legal aspects sorted out.  The haamuduruwo found a surveyor.  

‘We needed money, though.  So we went from door to door. Some people were suspicious, some scolded us, but the majority supported, especially those who weren’t very rich.’


It had been tough, Sujee explained.  On one occasion the Chief Minister had come and said he will give three million rupees.  

‘He asked us to stop collecting money.  Nothing happened.  We went to meet him with the hamuduruwo.  Finally one of his secretaries said ‘this won’t happen…you continue to raise funds the way you did before.’

It was a big blow.  It would be even tougher to go from house to house and ask people for money.  They didn’t give up though.  They finally purchased the piece of land.  Then they had to fill it.  This too they did, bit by bit.  They even purchased a strip of land so that an access round could be made.  They still had to construct a small bridge over a ditch.  This too cost them.  

Sujee and his friends organized a kite festival on two consecutive years.  The profits were channeled to construct the bridge.  

And now it’s all ready.  The playground for the young people of Kudamaduwa, now and for many years to come.  

‘We will hold an avurudu uthsavaya there this year, after a pirith ceremony,’ Sujee said proudly.  

Many contributed in many ways; some with money, some with labor.  There were others who encouraged.  Sometimes it would be a matter of knowing someone who would help in some technical way.  Sometimes it was about giving food or tea to the man operating a backhoe machine they had hired for a few hours.  Sometimes it was just a thumbs up sign.  

Sujee insists ‘it is not about me, and I could never have done it by myself.  Everyone in the committee helped.  The haamuduruo  was always a tower of strength.’

If one were oblivious to things and processes in the community one would not know about the playground and nothing of the efforts expended to get it done.  Such a person would see Sujee as the guy as a barber.  A successful one, sure, for even those who leave the village for whatever reason come to him for a haircut; successful, always with a smile, a doer more than a talker.  

He smiles when we discuss politics, especially the forthcoming local government elections.  He is most certainly aware of what’s what in the village and in the country and that’s why he smiles, not cynically but with that quiet understanding of the mismatch between promise and delivery.


He had a simple theory: “hithai ekamuthukamai thiyenavanam karanna bari deyak naha…”  If there’s unity there’s nothing that can’t be done if you put your mind to it.  

Of the village, with the village and for the village. That’s what Sujeewa Pushpakumara Doloswala and his friends are all about.  The names will be forgotten in years to come, like we’ve forgotten the names of those who turned population in a people, a geography into a nation.  But it was never about names and glory.  It was always about community and things that last.  Doesn’t hurt to mention a name, now and then.  Like Sujeewa Pushpakumara Doloswala and others who truly own  and run the local government.